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“Devolve, develop and deliver’: Zimbabweans demand devolution of power

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BY VIMBAI CHINEMBIRI

In the suburb of Mabvuku, east of Harare, the nation’s capital, Sunday and Monday are water days.

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Jean Chizimba wakes up at 5 a.m., walks to the tap outside her brick home and turns the valve counterclockwise. Sometimes water trickles out. Sometimes it doesn’t.

Chizimba pays about $2,500 each month for, at best, erratic service.

On dry-spigot days, she must go to the local health clinic, which has a reliable water supply.

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She can bring home about four buckets for free — barely enough for her family of five to bathe and flush the toilet until the next water day.

“Imagine being on your period and there’s no water coming out of the tap,” says Chizimba, a 42-year-old vegetable vendor.
“How do you even maintain cleanliness?”

In Zimbabwe, the central government plays a role in urban water delivery and garbage pickup.

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The system is widely derided.

According to the research network Afrobarometer, 62 percent of Zimbabweans say that “the government is doing a poor job of providing water and sanitation services” — a number that’s held steady for a decade.

Community groups say there’s a clear fix: devolution, or transferring some central government powers to Zimbabwe’s 10 provinces.

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That could improve the quality of schools, clinics, roads and water, advocates say, and help hold officials accountable for poor service.

“Devolution is when citizens begin to exercise the powers of the state,” says James Chidakwa, who represents Mabvuku in Parliament.
The move comes amid a growing global distrust of government.

Exactly a year ago, protesters invaded the United States Capitol to try to thwart the results of a democratic election.

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Zimbabwe’s 2013 constitution specifically calls for a “devolution of power and responsibilities to lower tiers of government.”

At the time, local control was viewed as more than a way to improve services, according to an article by ZimFact, an independent fact-checking site.

After a contested election a few years before and the formation of a unity government with two parties splitting power, devolution was key to “deepening democracy” and “promoting national integration and peace.”

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Zimbabwe has taken some steps toward empowering local officials. Last year, the central government set aside $19.5 billion  in “devolution funds” to help provinces improve health care, education and water delivery.

However, the government hasn’t set up the councils that were supposed to oversee the transfer process, so most of the money hasn’t been distributed.

The 2022 budget allocates $42.5 billion to devolution, more than double last year’s amount.

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Under pressure from community groups, lawmakers recently introduced a bill that would establish the oversight councils, but Parliament has yet to act on it.

Zvinechimwe Churu, permanent secretary in the Ministry of Local Government and Public Works, waves off criticism that officials are procrastinating.

“The government has demonstrated strong commitment to devolution and decentralisation,” he says in a statement.

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Nevertheless, Churu cautions against viewing local control as a panacea for water and sanitation problems — there are too many factors involved in improving service delivery, including funding and infrastructure.

Hardlife Mudzingwa, founder of the environmental advocacy group Community Water Alliance, raises a different issue. He says the bill doesn’t go far enough in changing the current system, as provinces still would report to the central government.

“Devolution is about revisiting the whole architecture of the state and therefore cannot be addressed by one piece of legislation,” he says.

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Mudzingwa and other activists have taken their message to social media. Under the Twitter hashtag #3Dcampaign — for devolve, develop and deliver — Zimbabweans have posted pictures of a disintegrating road and called for local control of vehicle licensing, liquor licensing, passport applications and taxi permits.

At stake are vital services.

VIMBAI CHINEMBIRI, GPJ ZIMBABWE

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Lindiwe Tsikwa draws water from her well. “The only issue has been trying to make sure our children don’t fall into it,” she says.

Take water: Less than a third of Zimbabwean households have access to an unlimited clean supply, according to a 2018 report by the United Nations Children’s Fund, known as Unicef.

Outbreaks of cholera and typhoid — water-borne diseases — have grown more common.

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As in many African nations, Zimbabwe’s National Water Authority oversees the country’s water.

In the Harare area, which includes Mabvuku, the water authority only provides water, while the city treats and distributes it, says water authority spokeswoman Marjorie Munyonga.

But the amount of water is insufficient, she says, a problem the water authority is trying to fix by building a dam.

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Mabvuku residents say supply is not the only hitch: Beneath the water authority are a strata of water councils and sub-councils; complaints often disappear into the byzantine system.

If devolution shifted more power to local officials, residents say, they would know exactly whom to call when their taps are dry.
Instead, they must fix their problems themselves.

Mabvuku hasn’t had reliable water service for almost two decades, Chizimba says.

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Years ago, that meant waking at 2 a.m. to queue at the health clinic — sometimes for as long as eight hours.

“There were strong men who would control the queues, and there would be a lot of fights at the borehole,” says neighbor Lindiwe Tsikwa, a 36-year-old mother of two.

“It became unsafe for us.”

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Around 2008, Tsikwa devised her own solution: she sunk a well in her front yard.

“The only issue has been trying to make sure our children don’t fall into it,” she says.

“But now they are grown up and know not to play close to the well area.”

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Yet there’s little Tsikwa can do about the trash mound. As of June, officials hadn’t collected Mabvuku’s garbage for months.

Used diapers and sanitary pads tumbled out of a bin and littered the ground; a stench hung in the air.

“It’s really unsafe,” she says.

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VIMBAI CHINEMBIRI, GPJ ZIMBABWE

Abigail Mizha pushes a wheelbarrow with about 100 liters (26 gallons) of water. For a fee, Mizha fetches water from the local borehole and delivers it to Mabvuku residents.

Meanwhile, every morning, Abigail Mizha rises at 5 and hauls a wheelbarrow full of buckets to the borehole.

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This is her livelihood: filling buckets, slogging back to town, delivering water to her customers.

The 42-year-old makes nine water runs a day.

Residents gladly pay for her services — they say she’s more reliable than the government. – Global Press Journal

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Tens of Thousands in Zimbabwe Go Hungry as the Rains — and US Aid — Hold Back

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Tanayeishe Musau eats baobab porridge after school at his home in Mudzi, Zimbabwe, where the dish has become a daily staple amid worsening drought and hunger. Once a simple supplement, baobab porridge is now a primary meal for families like his, following widespread food shortages and the suspension of international aid.

BY LINDA MUJURU

This story was originally published by Global Press Journal.

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Agnes Tauzeni stands on her parched field. She is a mother to two children, and is expecting another. But now, in a time that might otherwise have been joyful, her hopes wither like the struggling crops before her.

 

Three times she’s gambled on the rains; three times the sky has betrayed her. Her first two plantings failed. The soil was too dry to sustain life. Though her third attempt yielded a few weak shoots, they offered little promise of a meaningful harvest. El Niño-driven droughts have disrupted once-reliable rains, leaving Tauzeni’s family and many like hers struggling to feed themselves.

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“I am always hungry,” Tauzeni says.

 

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She worries about the health of her unborn child, based on how little nutrition she consumes herself.

 

Adding to this, food aid, previously funded by the US Agency for International Development, halted suddenly in January. That transformed what was already a struggle into a desperate battle for survival.

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The food aid ended when US President Donald Trump, on his first day in office, issued an executive order that paused nearly all US foreign aid, most of which was administered by USAID. That agency is now all but defunct.

 

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Food aid in Zimbabwe was an ongoing area of funding for USAID. In November 2024, the agency announced $130 million for two seven-year programs, implemented by CARE and Cultivating New Frontiers in Agriculture, that would provide food aid and other related support to areas of Zimbabwe most in need. The programs, which stopped, were just part of an ongoing slate of activities designed to help Zimbabwe’s neediest people.

 

About 7.6 million people in Zimbabwe — nearly half the country’s population — need humanitarian assistance, according to a 2025 UNICEF report. Of those, nearly 6 million, like Tauzeni, rely on subsistence farming.

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Through the support of organizations with funding from USAID, people previously received cereals, edible seeds, oil and food vouchers.

 

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“A sudden withdrawal can put the entire community in a dire situation,” says Hilton Mbozi, a seed systems and climate change expert.

 

Tauzeni recalls that her community used to receive food supplies such as beans, cooking oil and peanut butter to help combat malnutrition.

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When Tauzeni got married in 2017, her fields promised abundance. Her harvests were plentiful, and her family never lacked food. Now, those memories feel like whispers from another world. The past two agricultural seasons, those harvests have been devastatingly poor.

 

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With an empty granary and dwindling options, Tauzeni’s family survives on the same food every day: baobab porridge in the morning and sadza with wild okra in the evening. But Tauzeniworries whether even this will be on the table in the coming months.

 

“The little maize I have, I got after weeding someone else’s crops, but that won’t take us far,” she says.

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Tauzeni says a 20-kilogram (44-pound) bag of maize costs US$13 in her village, an amount out of reach for her. Her only source of income is farming. When that fails, she has no money at all.

 

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Hunger like Tauzeni experiences is widespread. Some families now eat just once a day.

 

Headman David Musau, leader of Musau village where Tauzenilives, says some people in his village did not plant any seeds this season, fearing losses due to the low rainfall. The government provides food aid inconsistently, usually 7 kilograms (15 pounds) of wheat per person for three months.

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“It’s not enough, but it helps,” he says.

 

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But without any other food aid, survival is at stake, he says. “People will die in the near future.”

 

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Zimbabwe’s new mothers face extortion for ‘free’ child health cards

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Photo credit: Gamuchirai Masiyiwa, GPJ Zimbabwe

BY GAMUCHIRAI MASIYIWA

Summary: The quiet return of maternity fees and the black-market sale of essential documents put extra burdens on mothers as they struggle to navigate a broken system.

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First-time mother Connie Jowastands with her 3-month-old baby nestled against her back, chatting with other mothers in line. Like many women at this crowded clinic in Harare’s Mabvuku suburb, Jowa is trying to get a Child Health Card, which was unavailable when she gave birth at a public hospital, and was still out of reach at her local clinic. Health cards are mysteriously out of stock.

 

But they can be bought under the table, if you know who to ask and are willing to pay.

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Zimbabwe’s Child Health Cards, meant to be free to new mothers, are crucial documents that track babies’ growth, vaccinations and medical histories. Without them, each clinic visit becomes a reset button. Inquiry into the child’s medical history starts from scratch. Since July 2024, the cards have disappeared from health facilities across Harare’s central hospitals and 42 council clinics — even though the card’s producers say they’re making enough to meet demand. This artificial shortage has birthed a shadow market where clinic staff quietly sell this essential document to desperate mothers. This sort of nickel-and-dime bribery exposes deep cracks in a health care system that’s already failing the most vulnerable people.

 

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What started as a clandestine operation has become an open secret.

 

“When cards arrive at a clinic, they’re kept by the sister in charge. But it’s usually nurse aides or junior staff who sell them, working in cahoots with other staff members,” says Simbarashe James Tafirenyika, who leads the Zimbabwe Municipality’s Nurses and Allied Workers Union.

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Someone who sells 100 cards can pocket around US$500, she says, and none of that money goes to the government of the council.

 

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The going rate for the Child Health Card is US$5, say several mothers who spoke to Global Press Journal.

 

Medical Histories on Scraps of Paper

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When the system works as designed, every mother receives a Child Health Card when her baby is born. Now, most mothers must track their infants’ medical histories on scraps of paper.

 

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Harare’s council clinics alone deliver more than 3,000 babies every month, with each mother left scrambling for documentation.

 

“I feel hurt,” Jowa says. “I want to know what vaccines my child has received and their purposes, but I just can’t get that information.”

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A nurse aide assistant at one of the council clinics has witnessed this shadow market.

 

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“If a nurse is selling, they ask the mother to be ‘skillful’ if they need the card,” says the assistant, who requested anonymity for fear of retribution. In Zimbabwe, “skillful” is a common euphemism for paying small bribes.

 

While the Ministry of Health and Child Care is supposed to supply the cards for free, Prosper Chonzi, the City of Harare’s director of health, admits supplies have been erratic for six months and that people have complained about being forced to purchase these cards. Clinic workers may be exploiting the known shortage and coordinating among themselves to sell the cards rather than providing them for free, he says.

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“We can’t rule that out,” he says.

 

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The card shortage coincides with the quiet return of maternity fees in public hospitals. Though not officially announced, hospitals have begun billing mothers after delivery — a policy change the government would neither confirm nor deny.

 

High Inflation, More Corruption

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Between 2011 and 2024, more than 1 million pregnant women in the country delivered babies for free at health care clinics, under a scheme called results-based financing. Maternal mortality rates dropped during that time.

 

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But these gains, partly achieved through better access to safe delivery services, face new hurdles as budget constraints and economic pressures reshape the health care landscape.

 

Even in 2021, a study from Transparency International Zimbabwe surveyed over 1,000 people in Zimbabwe and found that 74% had been asked to pay a bribe while trying to access health care services. A feeling of being underpaid amidst a deteriorating economy and high inflation was a key driver among health workers who solicitated bribes, which has been a rising trend, according to the study.

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“The motivation for earning an extra income is strong especially in countries with a high rate of inflation,” the study states.

 

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Zimbabwe’s health care system faces chronic challenges, including an exodus of health workers to other countries, inadequate funding, drug shortages, obsolete infrastructure and more. In 1991, the government introduced user fees across public institutions as part of an economic structural adjustment program. The government abolished the fees in 2011, only to partially reinstate them around 2013.

 

Prudence Hanyani, a community activist in Harare, says the reintroduction of user fees in public hospitals will burden women who already shoulder extra costs, like paying for midwives, so they can get better treatment when giving birth.

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“Maternal health services should be free,” she says, “because giving birth is a service for the nation that contributes to the country’s population.”

 

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Mothers Pay the Price

 

Valerie Shangwa, who gave birth four and a half months ago at a private maternity hospital, still has no card for her daughter.

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“You know how difficult it is to keep a paper,” she says. “When nurses ask about last month’s weight, you end up guessing, and that distorts the whole record.”

 

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Charlton Prickise, technical director at Print Flow, says his company sells Child Health Cards only to government-authorized health facilities and faces no shortages.

 

“The shortages mean health facilities simply aren’t coming to get them,” he says.

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Though Print Flow hasn’t detected leaks, Prickise recalls finding other versions of this card on the market two years ago, possibly from a nongovernmental organization. Print Flow isn’t the sole supplier of the cards, and they haven’t received any government orders recently.

 

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In a written response to Global Press Journal, Donald Mujiri, spokesperson for the Ministry of Health and Child Care, said the shortage of Child Health Cards is due to supply chain inefficiencies and insufficient donor funding. The cards, he says, are procured with government funding and aid from supporting partners such as the United Nations Children’s Fund. Nevertheless, Mujiri says, the ministry needs to strengthen the supply chain management system at all levels and proactively mobilize resources for procuring the cards.

 

Meanwhile, mothers wait — or pay the price. Faith Musinami, 26, delivered her daughter in July 2024. An orderly told her the clinic only had cards for boys, but if she wanted, they could organize one for US$5. Musinami had not budgeted for the cost. She sacrificed the last penny she had.

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This story was originally published by Global Press Journal.

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