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‘The crocodile has not changed’:Zimbabwe opposition warns of election violence
BY JASON BURKE AND NYASHA CHINGONO
The leader of Zimbabwe’s main opposition party has warned of violence and repression by the ruling Zanu-PF party to ensure victory in elections scheduled for later this year.
In an interview with the Observer, Nelson Chamisa, president of the Citizens Coalition for Change (CCC), called on the international community to have “eyes on” the struggling southern African country despite other crises around the world and to “offer solidarity” to those fighting for change there.
“Here too, people are being killed for their opinions. Zimbabweans want to see change and want to see a transformation,” Chamisa said.
The coming elections, set to be held in July or August, will be the second after the military takeover that ended the rule of veteran leader Robert Mugabe in 2017 and brought Emmerson Mnangagwa, one of the former dictator’s chief lieutenants, to power.
Hopes of a new era of reform, democracy and accountability after the 37 years of Mugabe’s increasingly authoritarian regime proved misplaced. Critics of the new government have faced successive crackdowns while economic conditions for most of the population have worsened.
Mnangagwa, whose guile and alleged brutality earned him the nickname “the Crocodile”, is expected to stand for a second term in this year’s elections.
“The leopard has not changed its spots … The crocodile has not changed its antics and tactics, so violence is a big fear. Violence is the Zanu-PF’s default setting. We see dark clouds gathering,” Chamisa said.
Last weekend, the authorities gave a vivid demonstration of what opposition activists might expect in the months ahead when they raided a gathering of CCC activists in a private home in the Budiriro township, about 10 miles (16km) from the centre of the capital, Harare. Dozens were detained, and 25 appeared in court last week.
Lawyers are also fighting to free Job Sikhala, a CCC leader viewed as an important figure in winning urban support for the party. Sikhala has now been held in the Chikurubi maximum security prison on the outskirts of Harare for more than seven months. The outspoken politician was charged with inciting violence after allegedly threatening to avenge the murder of an opposition activist whose body was mutilated before it was dumped in a shallow well last June.Last year, the Zimbabwean author Tsitsi Dangarembga was given a six-month prison sentence after being found guilty of inciting violence when she held up in public a placard inscribed “We want better. Reform our institutions”. The sentence was suspended for five years on the condition that she does not repeat the offence.In the 2018 presidential election, which was marred by allegations of vote rigging, Mnangagwa narrowly avoided a run-off, winning 50.8% of the votes. Chamisa, a 44-year-old former pastor, was then running on the ticket of the Movement for Democratic Change alliance and won 44.3% of the ballot. Shortly after the poll, six people died when soldiers opened fire on protesters and commuters in central Harare.
Though many towns and cities are bastions for the opposition, Zimbabwe’s countryside has long been held by the ruling party, which can deploy powerful networks of patronage and intimidation to secure support.
Officials of the CCC, which was founded a year ago, say they are pursuing a low-level, “village by village” effort to win votes. “It’s been totally legal but very quiet. We now have a presence in every village,” said Fadzayi Mahere, the CCC’s spokesperson.But Piers Pigou of the International Crisis Group, a conflict-prevention organisation, said the CCC lacked the infrastructure to effectively mobilise potential support in rural areas, where 65% of the voters live, and to protect supporters from retaliation. “They may not be able to defend the vote they do have. They need 40,000 poll agents and are going to struggle to get them,” Pigou said.
The Zimbabwe Peace Project (ZPP), a non-governmental organisation, has recorded hundreds of incidents of assault, threats or intimidation across Zimbabwe: 263 in November and 209 last month. The Zanu-PF was responsible for about 45% of them, followed by the police with 28%. Almost nine out of 10 victims were not affiliated with a political party, while the remainder were CCC supporters.
Jestina Mukoko, director of the ZPP, said the ruling party guarded its influence in rural areas “jealously”, adding: “They have a system on the ground especially for events like elections. They deploy gatekeepers who keep an eye on particular communities. People are told that they will know who they voted for … and that instils a lot of fear.”A further complaint is that Zimbabwe’s electoral commission has redrawn constituency boundaries to suit the ruling party. Obert Masaraure, a political activist and leader of the Amalgamated Rural Teachers Union of Zimbabwe, alleged that it was “a clear case of gerrymandering”.
Mnangagwa and the ruling party will also benefit from access to state resources such as relatively well-funded media. This makes them formidable opponents to a still fragmented opposition, analysts believe, despite the appeal of a charismatic leader and deep discontent. “There’s no doubt that Zanu-PF will win,” Pigou said.
We have to build an anthem for change, transformation, freedom and democracy that all African voices have to sing
Monica Mutsvangwa, Zimbabwe’s information minister, did not respond to messages from the Observer but has said the government is committed to press freedom, pluralism and “feeding the nation the right information through the correct and appropriate channels”.In a speech at the National Defence University in Harare last week, Mutsvangwa accused the “military-industrial complex of the west” of trying to seize Zimbabwe’s natural resources. “The onslaught directed at Zimbabwe by the west and its media is as a result of the vast wealth endowments the country has which they want to resume their old habits of looting,” she told students.
The elections come against a background of profound economic hardship. Inflation is estimated at between 250% and 400% annually and the World Bank expects the economy to slow further in 2023. Some areas receive less than four hours of electricity daily.
Mavis Mapako, 33, does not make enough from her small stall in Kuwadzana, a township west of central Harare, to pay the school fees for her six-year-old son. “Life has become tougher – this year, it seems things will get worse. Fees have been hiked so my son may not be able to enrol this term. It is not just his school fees – I need uniforms, books and other things I just cannot afford,” Mapako said.Alberta Mafusire just about feeds his five children by selling scrap metal that he finds in bins or lying abandoned: “I wake up at 5am before other pickers start picking. That way I am able to fill my cart. For all my hard work, I will get $10” – enough, he said, for a sack of cornflour.
Chamisa said that 2023 was to be a year of change, victory and breakthrough. “We are very united as a people and as citizens. Change is happening in Africa. We have to build an anthem for change, transformation, freedom and democracy that all African voices have to sing.”The Guardian
BY NOKUTHABA DLAMINI
When l visited South Africa recently with the Zimbabwe Parliament and Wildlife Management Authority delegation, I was taken on a private tour of Boschpoort Predators by Hannes Wessels — President of the South African Predator Association, SUCo-SA member, and one of the industry’s most outspoken defenders. For hours, he walked us through his sanctuary, breeding areas, and off-site hunting properties, offering an unusually frank look into a sector that is often hidden behind controversy and media narratives.
“The youth are our conservationists”
We began in the sanctuary section, where Hannes explained why thousands of schoolchildren visit the property each year.
“On Tuesdays and Thursdays school groups visit us free of charge,” he said. “Our school system in South Africa has no conservation value in the syllabus anymore. The youth are our conservationists, and that’s why it’s important to bring their schools in and take them through the jobs.”
The sanctuary is one of three main sections: the public sanctuary, tiger breeding facilities in the valley, and a mountain breeding area that is closed to visitors.
“We don’t want human imprint on animals that are going into the hunting land,” he explained.
Breeding, hunting and the “Buffer” argument
Hannes spoke openly about the role of the predator-breeding industry in South Africa.
“We need to keep this industry open, because it’s a buffer for the wild populations we’ve got,” he said.
“There’s been unnecessary negativity. People see an animal in a cage and think it’s starving today because of what they see in the media.”
He argued that captive-bred lions reduce pressure on wild reserves, especially as some national parks face disease challenges.
“A specimen like that, you won’t find in our national parks anymore — Kruger is compromised due to disease in the lions. Other metapopulations are under pressure.”
He also highlighted the economic contribution:
“This industry contributes five hundred million to GDP from lion hunting alone,” he said. “If you look at the whole value chain — taxidermy, shipping agents — it makes up to a billion.”
Traditional use and sustainability
Standing beside the enclosures, he spoke about cultural practices involving animal parts:
“Animals are part of traditional medicine in our culture, and there’s nothing wrong with it as long as it’s used sustainably. You cannot change the culture of a nation, but you can teach sustainability.”
The challenge of tiger genetics and DNA markers
At the tiger section, he turned to what he called South Africa’s biggest challenge in tiger management:
“South Africa cannot export tigers to the countries of origin because we haven’t got DNA markers,” he said.
“I can say this is a Siberian, but it’s got Bengal blood — nobody can tell me. That’s the problem: there’s no regulation or DNA system to determine pure lines.”
He mentioned that one of his colleagues is working to change that.
“One of my staff members is working on that to see if we can get tiger markers in, so we can actually determine what we’ve got.”
Traceability
Hannes described a new programme they believe will reshape South Africa’s predator sector:
“We’ve got a new traceability programme, written by one of the best, especially for the lion industry,” he said.
“We can trace a lion from cradle to grave — DNA, parentage, everything.”
This, he said, is crucial for international acceptance:
“The US (United State of America) wants traceability on the product. They don’t just want to know it doesn’t threaten the species — they want enhancement findings. It must prove a benefit.”
He argued that once traceability is universal:
“CITES (Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora) will open up, because then we can prove we are not busy with inbreeding.”
A database to counter inbreeding claims
He said their internal database already captures detailed lineage:
“I’ve got parentage, I’ve got DNA, I’ve got everything. We can prove we’re not breeding irresponsibly.”
But he added that government itself lacks accurate numbers:
“If you ask the department how many one-year-old male lions we have in captivity, they battle to tell us.”
The new programme aims to force uniform reporting across the industry.
Re-wilding and new conservation fund
Hannes revealed a new initiative:
“Every lion that will be hunted in the future will contribute to a conservation fund,” he said.
“That fund is busy with projects like re-wilding.”
He insisted re-wilding can work:
“They say you cannot re-wild a lion — it’s like teaching a house cat to hunt. We re-wilded lions in 2016, and it’s working.”
Breeding success and natural mortality
He explained that captive-breeding success mirrors natural patterns:
“The success rate is usually four cubs, but there’s a 25% loss. Four will be born, you’ll raise three — one is always lost.”
In nature, he said, mortality is even more brutal due to pride takeovers.
“A new male kills all the cubs because he wants his own blood. That’s why it’s almost impossible for a father to mate with his daughter in the wild.”
Some online images showing thin lions mislead the public, he argued:
“Most of those pictures are lions growing old. They’re not sick — they just go old and starve naturally once they’re chased out.”
The 1984 Smith study: “Putting facts ahead”
Hannes cited the work of Dr Smith, who sedated a number lions in Kruger in 1984 to establish physical averages.
“Smith claims a big lion male should be 1.05 metres at the shoulder,” he said, standing beside one of his large males.
“This one is 1.32 — higher than a normal lion male. That’s the genetics we’re working with.”
He emphasised that quality genetics drive higher industry prices.
Industry scrutiny and advocacy
Hannes believes misinformation is one of the industry’s greatest challenges.
“We are confronted with opinions. We’ve got the science, we’ve got the proof. NGOs are sponsoring opinions and we haven’t got the funding to put the facts out.”
He credited sector associations
“If it wasn’t for Peter, Stephen, and especially Richard — attending meetings, fighting for us — we would have lost this industry a long time ago.”
He dismissed political threats to shut predator farming:
“The wish of the government to close the industry is the same as my wish to win the lottery — it will never happen.”
Inside the facility: Slaughterhouse, hospital, and daily Realities
At one point we passed the onsite veterinary building.
“That’s our hospital where we treat all our animals,” he said. “It’s also the slaughterhouse for carcasses — nothing is wasted.”
He explained they had just processed a horse that had died that morning following an attack with a wildebeest.
Gabi and the nocturnal predators
The tour almost ended with Gabi, a six-year-old predator kept in the sanctuary.
“Normally nocturnal,” Hannes said, “but she’s quite big, and she was hand-raised before being released on the property.”
A controversial but transparent vision
My tour with Hannes revealed a man deeply committed to a model that blends conservation, utilisation, and economic sustainability — a model many organisations and countries intensely debate. He insists that with science, genetics, traceability, and strict record-keeping, the predator-breeding industry can both protect wild populations and support livelihoods.
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