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How indigenous traditions are saving Zimbabwe’s endangered wildlife

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BY ANDREW MAMBONDIYANI

A hill with an imposing protruding rock stands on the outskirts of Village F, a small farming community in Zimbabwe, about 50 kilometres south of the eastern border city of Mutare.

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A small perennial river, Nyadziye, meanders leisurely around the hill, which is known locally as Buwesunike.

Dense trees surround Buwesunike Hill, and a plethora of bird species chirp excitedly in the undergrowth.

For years, this hill has been a nesting place for a small group of southern ground hornbills.

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In this part of the country, southern ground hornbills—identified by their unique jet-black feathers, bright-red throats, and large black beaks—are considered sacred.

Farmers in this area say the birds bring in the rains and herald the start of the farming season.

In the local Jindwi dialect, farmers call these giant birds mariti; in other dialects, they are known as matendera.

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Killing them would anger their ancestors, the farmers believe, resulting in droughts for the whole community and bringing serious misfortune to the offender.

A mix of beliefs like these, taboos and myths, passed orally from generation to generation, has been at the centre of wildlife conservation in many parts of the Zimbabwe.

While these taboos are not grounded in scientific explanation, they have helped to protect and preserve some of country’s endangered wild animals and birds from poachers—including the southern ground hornbill.

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Poaching and destruction of habitats of animals and birds by farming and other activities are growing issues in the country.

Tensions around conservation have risen particularly in communities living near wildlife conservancies and game parks.

However, Indigenous groups under traditional chiefs, including Zimunya and Marange in eastern Zimbabwe, have found other ways to limit hunting and activities that harm the animals.

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Local traditional leaders—village heads, headmen, and chiefs—strictly enforce the limits and taboos and impose heavy fines on whoever is caught breaking them.

On the rare occasion a villager breaks the taboos, they are brought before the traditional leaders’ courts and forced to pay for the violation in the form of livestock: cattle, goats, sheep, or chickens, as well as grain. In some cases, the fines are used for the revered rainmaking and thanksgiving ceremonies or wildlife conservation projects in the area.

David Mutambirwa, executive director and founder of Mhakwe Heritage Foundation Trust, a Zimbabwe-based foundation advocating for heritage and culture preservation, says Indigenous knowledge systems are critical to wildlife protection.

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“Indigenous knowledge systems have been used and are still being used to preserve and conserve wild animals,” he says.

“There are certain trees which cannot be cut down.

These knowledge systems involve taboos, values, and norms which are followed in many rural communities.”

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Following White colonial rule in Zimbabwe, which ended in 1980, he says some communities discarded their traditional ways of wildlife conservation.

“The advent of the so-called Western civilisation in our country affected our cultures in many ways,” he says.

“But we are working hard to sensitize these communities through a multifaceted approach.”

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In Village F, though, residents held on to their reverence for the southern ground hornbills.

“We jealously protect this nesting place,” says Nicholas Mukundidza, a farmer and beekeeper at Village F.

“As you can see, we don’t cut down trees here. Instead, I have put my beehives to protect these trees,” he says, pointing to several wooden beehives scattered on trees in the thick forest.

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Mukundidza took me on a short hike through a heavily wooded path to the edge of Buwesunike Hill.

But on this particular hot afternoon, the southern ground hornbills could not be found.

“I’m sure they have flown out to forage for food. They can spend a couple of days out before they come back,” he says.

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A recent study reveals that southern ground hornbills have now disappeared from some parts of Africa as a result of human activities, including habitat destruction, indirect poisoning, and electrocution, as well as trade in live birds and use in traditional cultural practices.

But for over 40 years, Mukundidza has been farming close to Buwesunike Hill.

He says he has never seen or heard of anyone trying to harm or kill the birds.

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There is no proper research done on traditional methods of conservation in this part of the country.

However, a study done at Zimbabwe’s Nharira community of Chikomba district reveals that conventional strategies of conserving wildlife and forest resources through fencing the protected areas or imposing fines on trespassers usually creates disputes between locals and the forest and wildlife management authorities.

“When compared to conventional strategies, the [Indigenous knowledge] approach is better as it avoids such conflicts and requires less state resources for enforcing laws to protect wildlife and forest resources,” the study says.

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In Chikomba district, local people believe poachers in the sacred Chirozva and Daramombe hills can be chased away by bees, wild animals, or snakes, the study documented.

“In other instances, mishaps such as prolonged dry spells and reduction in crop yields may befall the entire community,” the study adds.

“Key informants further reported that the convicted individuals [for breaking the taboos] are forced to pay fines in form of a livestock or buckets of grain to the traditional leaders.”

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However, Sharon Mushure, one of the researchers involved in the study, cautioned that there are weaknesses too: Fires started by villagers can threaten habitat, and the lack of documentation of traditional beliefs makes them vulnerable to disappearing.

Elsewhere in the Mutare district, leaders rely on traditional beliefs to protect pangolins, known here as harakabvuka or haka.

Geofrey Rugohwo, a traditional leader in Chitora, says it is a serious offense for anyone to be caught with a pangolin, let alone kill or eat it.

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“This animal is important for us. It’s a highly respected animal and cannot be killed by anyone in this area.

If a person kills or eat it, that person will face the wrath of our traditional leaders or the spirits of the land,” Rugohwo says.

Experts say very little is known about the status of pangolins in Zimbabwe, but they are thought to be in decline.

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More than four decades ago, the pangolins were placed on Zimbabwe’s Specially Protected Animals list.

A recent report by Earth.org reveals that worldwide, more than a million pangolins have been poached for commercial use over the past decade.

Although the forests in this part of country are still home to a number of pangolins, Rugohwo says it is uncommon to find these reclusive and nocturnal mammals.

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A sighting signifies a long life or a chance for greatness, says Mutambirwa.

“We don’t know how many pangolins are in this area, but we still have many.

“It’s our duty to protect them for future generations,” Rugohwo says.

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“We have very few cases of outsiders coming to poach the animals here.”

Rugohwo says if a person kills a pangolin in middle of the forest without being caught, that person will ultimately be punished by the spirits of the land.

“The offending person will suffer from various curses or misfortunes, which will only be broken if the person surrenders himself or herself and confess to the traditional leaders and pay a heavy fine,” Rugohwo explains.

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A local story tells of two men believed to be from Zimbabwe’s capital, Harare, who tried to smuggle a pangolin from the area.

They had to abandon it after it started making weird noises as the duo were driving toward a police traffic checkpoint.

This story amplifies the mysteries and trepidations surrounding pangolins.

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The Zimbabwean government supports efforts like those in Village F and Chitora.

Any person convicted of the unlawful killing, possession of, or trading in any protected animals gets a mandatory jail term of nine years, or more for second offenders.

“Our common agenda is to protect wild animals, and we work with the communities to protect the animals,” says Tinashe Farawo, a spokesperson for the Zimbabwe Parks and Wildlife Management Authority.

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“Our relations with these communities is like that of the fish and the water.

“We rely on them for information on what is happening and what needs to be done.

“As long we are working well with the communities, the cases of poaching will go down.”

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Ultimately, Farawo says local communities are the ones responsible for wildlife day to day.

“They’re the ones who stay with the birds, and they are the ones sharing boundaries with these animals.

“They’re the custodians of the wild animals.” – yes!

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From skins to steaks — How wildlife trade is fueling communities in South Africa

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BY NOKUTHABA DLAMINI 

In the small town of Bela-Bela, a quietly flourishing business is unfolding — one that turns wildlife into livelihood, education, and economic opportunity. On a humid afternoon, we walked into the operations of Estelle Nel Taxidermy (and its parent networks), where rows of beautiful animal mounts — from antelope horns to zebra skins, skulls to full-body trophies — line the walls.

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But beyond the busts and custom mounts lies a deeper purpose: this is not simply a display of hunting trophies. It is a system of sustainable use — where animals that die naturally or are hunted legally are completely utilised: meat, skin, horns, bones — nothing goes to waste, and everything acquires value.

As we discovered from our conversations, this network extends beyond taxidermy. Adjacent to the showrooms are processing facilities, butcheries, and game-meat wholesalers — all integral to transforming South Africa’s wild fauna into a formal, regulated, and sustainable economy.

“This is home” — an artisan’s vocation

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I sat down with Melanie Viljoen, who serves as Export Secretary at Estelle Nel Taxidermy. Her voice was calm, resolute.

“For me, it’s like this is home and it’s something that I love to do. I love art. I studied art at school. I can’t think of anything else I’d rather do.”

She told us she’s been with the business for thirteen to fourteen years. Over that time she’s mastered a unique craft. “I’ve found my niche,” she said, “and I’m not going anywhere.”

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Melanie explained how the business flows: outfitters bring in international clients to hunt on private farms, then process the animals: trophy mounts for some, meat for others. Locals also bring animals — sometimes for trophies, sometimes just for meat. There is even “school-mount” work: smaller species, sometimes a mother and its young, carefully preserved — not just for hunters, but for children to touch and learn about wildlife up close.

“We mount animals that have died naturally or were hunted… we use everything, from the meat to the skins and curls. It’s a sustainable way of doing business, and everything has a monetary value.”

This, she says, is both business and passion — blending artistry, conservation, and commerce.

From workshops to global markets — taxidermy meets commerce

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According to membership details o South African Taxidermy & Tannery Association, Estelle Nel Taxidermy offers a wide range of services: from mounting mammals, birds, reptiles; tanning skins and capes; cleaning, mounting and articulating skulls, bones, horns, tusks; to producing novelty leather items, polished horn décor, engraved bones, hoof lamps — even gunbags and furniture. They offer full export packing and crating services, and help clients ship internationally.

What this means is that skins, hides and trophies — once the culmination of a hunt — become far more than personal souvenirs. They become export commodities, contributing to livelihoods of artisans, packers, shippers, and everyone in between.

Yet, as Pieter Swart President of South African Taxidermy & Tannery Association  (SATTA)/chairman of SUCO-SA) told us, that path to global markets is not without obstacles.

“Certain airlines allow the shipping of these trophies. I think it’s about four airlines that you can ship them overseas, but the rest refuse to take their hunting trophies to destinations. As well as the sea shipments — there’s only one ship going to America every three months. The rest of the shipping lines refuse to take hunting trophies.”

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He lamented the difficulty in logistics. And yet, he sees themselves as part of a broader — and misunderstood — effort. “This anti-animal works movement created the idea that hunting is killing the animals and destroying them to extinction — but that is actually quite the opposite,” he said. “More and more, the guys are farming the animals; that is creating a better future for the animals.”

In other words: regulated, sustainable use — of every part of the animal — can coexist with conservation, economic empowerment, and community upliftment.

Game meat: from farm to fork

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Next door to the taxidermy showroom, we toured a modest but hygienic meat-processing Camo Meat facility, run by people like Ina Hechter. They explained that their business started small — in 2012 as a private processing butcher for animals from farms. Around 2017 they expanded into wholesale for local markets. Export remains limited, but local demand is growing.

Their meats include species typical of the South African game-meat industry: kudu, impala, springbok, wildebeest, zebra and others. What began as a niche — somewhat stigmatised — trade is slowly gaining acceptance. Some supermarkets and lodges are carrying game meat; more restaurants are offering “veld flavour.”

Ina told me that in times of drought — when traditional livestock farming may suffer — game-meat businesses often see increased activity. Farms with overstocked wildlife or animals unable to survive drought may harvest and sell meat, skins and other resources. In this way, what might have been a loss can become income, conservation, and food security.

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“Our parks are so small that they can’t sustain all the animals that are there,” Ina said. “Especially in drought years … when it’s not raining a lot you will see they die and then they sell the animals.”M

She sees game meat not only as a business, but as part of a broader sustainable economy — offering healthy, lean protein to consumers, easing pressure on overburdened habitats, and circulating value in rural and peri-urban communities.

More than meat and trophies — a conservation-economy model

What struck me during the tour was how holistic the operation is. It isn’t just about hunters bringing back trophies. It’s about using every bit of what exists: meat, skins, hides, horns, bones — even skulls, and decorative by-products. From full-body mounts to polished horn décor, from retail game-meat packages to furniture made from hoofs: this is a full-value chain.

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Companies like Estelle Nel Taxidermy are members of formal trade associations and provide professional services — tanning, mounting, packing, export documentation — and in doing so, they help formalize trade in wildlife products.

Meanwhile, the game meat industry — though historically informal — is slowly growing more regulated. According to a recent national biodiversity-economy strategy, game-meat production supports economic growth, food security, and employment. The most commonly produced and consumed species: impala, kudu, wildebeest, springbok.

In other words: when properly managed, this sector has the potential to transform perceptions of wildlife — from being simply “wild animals” to resources that can feed, employ and uplift entire communities.

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Challenges — logistics, stigma, regulation

But it’s not all smooth. As Pieter Swart highlighted, export logistics remain a bottleneck: only a few airlines transport trophies; shipping lines are often reluctant; sea freight to markets like the United States may come only every few months. This makes it harder for the industry to scale globally.

Domestically, the market for game meat and wildlife products still battles cultural and regulatory stigma. Many people still frown at game meat; supermarkets and restaurants are only slowly integrating it.

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Regulation is another issue: for the industry to be sustainable, wildlife needs to be farmed or managed responsibly, harvesting must follow quotas, and processing must meet health and safety standards. When abattoirs, tanneries, and exporting agents comply with regulation, this gives the industry legitimacy — but it also requires oversight, capacity, and buy-in from all stakeholders.

A snapshot

Our visit painted a picture of a wildlife economy that’s evolving: where skilled artisans turn skins, horns, skulls into enduring art; where processors supply game meat to homes, restaurants and hotels; where farms, outfitters, taxidermists, meat processors, exporters, and even children (learning from mounted displays) all form part of an ecosystem.

It’s a world that challenges simplistic ideas of wildlife as either “pristine wilderness” or “endangered species.” Instead, it shows how — if managed with respect, regulation, and purpose — natural resources can sustain livelihoods, build economies, and forge a bridge between conservation and commerce.

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For many of those involved — from Melanie Viljoen to Ina Hechter and Pieter Swart — it’s not just business. It’s home. It’s art. It’s the future.

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Inside South Africa’s lion breeding debate: A field visit to Mabula Pro Safaris

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BY NOKUTHABA DLAMINI

At the heart of Bela-Bela’s Driepdrift area lies Mabula Pro Safaris — a private predator breeding facility that, to many outsiders, represents one of the most controversial aspects of South Africa’s wildlife industry. But for the Zimbabwe Parks and Wildlife Management Authority (ZimParks) delegation, which recently toured the facility together with myself as a journalist from Zimbabwe, the visit provided an unusual opportunity: to see the behind-the-scenes reality of a commercial hunting lion breeding operation, far from the images often circulated in global media.

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Led by Stephen Palos, Vice-Chair of the Sustainable Use Coalition Southern Africa (SUCo-SA) and CEO of the Confederation of Hunters Associations of South Africa (CHASA), the tour included a close look at lions bred under the South African Predator Association (SAPA) standards.

Inside the sanctuary, the group viewed 52 lions — including 12 adult males and 11 cubs — living in structured social groups within medium-sized enclosures. The animals walked freely, with access to shade, water, and open space.

An earlier visit to a predator sanctuary was, as pointed out by Palos, a stark contrast. Those were used to people whereas these would eat you in a heartbeat.

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“These are breeding animals specifically, not pets,” he emphasized. “This is a breeding unit with the express purpose of producing lions for hunting. What you’re seeing here is very different from the popular ‘puppy farm’ narrative.”

Debunking the ‘puppy farm’ image

For years, global campaigns have depicted South African lion breeding as cruel and exploitative — with constant forced pregnancies, cubs immediately snatched from mothers, and animals confined in cramped cages. Palos argued that the facility before the delegation told a different story.

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“Each enclosure functions as a pride,” he explained. “A male, a few females, different ages of cubs — just like in the wild, but within an enclosure. Look at the cleanliness, the condition of the animals, their behaviours. These animals are at ease.”

He stressed that cubs were not routinely separated from their mothers for tourism activities, and that animals destined for hunting were relocated to separate facilities to be raised with minimal human imprinting.

A fractured industry

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Despite the orderliness observed at Mabula Pro, Palos admitted that the predator breeding industry suffers from fragmentation. Although SAPA prescribes standards for its members, adherence is voluntary.

“There are around 340 facilities in the country, but only about 43 are members of the association,” he said. “We cannot speak about those who choose to operate outside of these standards. That’s where the problems arise.”

What can African countries learn from each other?

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After the tour, l asked what lessons Southern Africa can share across borders, including Zimbabwe.

Palos responded with a regional, long-term view.

“Every African country has something to teach and something to learn,” he said. “Wildlife is a renewable natural resource — but only if it’s managed properly.”

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He contrasted South Africa’s fenced wildlife model with Zimbabwe’s largely open systems.

“South Africa relies heavily on fencing — from Kruger National Park to private ranches. But in Zimbabwe, Tanzania, Namibia, and elsewhere, you have vast open landscapes. Both systems work in their own contexts.”

Palos warned against “fortress conservation”, where communities are excluded from wildlife spaces — a model he says has failed people and wildlife alike.

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Toward shared learning and mentorship

One of the strongest points he emphasized was the need for honest exchange between countries.

“It’s wonderful for us to learn from your challenges and successes,” he told the delegation. “But it’s even more important for us to show what works here, openly, and address our own challenges.”

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He suggested that exchanges like this should evolve into:

Formal mentorship programmes
Boots-on-the-ground technical exchanges
Shared management experiments
Cross-border policy innovation

Economic lessons from a controversial industry

Palos acknowledged that South Africa has become a global leader in game farming and wildlife production systems — but insisted this does not invalidate the strengths of other countries’ models.

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“There is economic success here,” he said. “But it’s not the only way. Zimbabwe already has strong systems. A blend of your models and ours could be even better.”

For the Zimbabwean delegation, the visit provided an opportunity to observe a facility that challenges both critics and defenders of the captive breeding industry. Whether South Africa continues down this path or phases it out — as many activists demand — facilities like Mabulapro Safaris remain central to the debate.

The tour served as a reminder that wildlife management in Africa is varied, complex, and always evolving — shaped by history, ecology, economics, and human needs.

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Southern Africa’s Sustainable Use Coalition slams CITES CoP20 decisions as “punishing success” and “killing with kindness”

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BY NOKUTHABA DLAMINI 

The Sustainable Use Coalition Southern Africa (SUCo-SA) has issued two strongly worded statements criticising decisions made at the CITES CoP20 conference in Uzbekistan, accusing Parties of undermining conservation success in southern Africa and ignoring evidence from range states.

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In the first statement, SUCo-SA Vice Chair and the Confederation of Hunters Association of South Africa CEO Stephen Palos condemned the vote rejecting a proposal to remove the abundant southern giraffe from Appendix II. The proposal received 49 votes in favour, 48 against and 38 abstentions — including the 27-member EU bloc — falling short of the two-thirds majority required.

Palos called the outcome “yet another travesty of justice at the CITES CoP,” arguing that the decision reflects “a world dominated by an emotion before science philosophy in conservation.”

He singled out opposition from several African countries, saying:

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“The most vocal objections made came from African countries with shocking records in conservation… where poaching, conflict, poverty, and desperation have decimated their wildlife, and now sell their souls to global anti-use/animal-rightist NGOs.”

Palos said the Chair “overlooked Eswatini and allowed none of the observer organisations an opportunity to speak,” forcing South Africa to call for a vote despite having “superbly presented” the proposal.

According to SUCo-SA, evidence showed that southern giraffe populations in Angola, Botswana, Eswatini, Malawi, Mozambique, South Africa, Zambia and Zimbabwe are “overwhelmingly increasing, with only one population reported as stable, and not a single population showing decline.”

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The statement said this success is the result of “decades of effective national legislation, management frameworks, investment by private and community custodians, and sustainable-use incentives.”

But SUCo-SA argues that countries with no giraffe populations or poor conservation performance are influencing decisions that harm nations managing wildlife successfully.

“Once again, CITES (Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora) has managed to punish success and reward failure in conservation. And real people in southern Africa pay the price in hunger and deprivation.”

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SUCo-SA: CITES Parties “killing with kindness” on rhino horn and ivory

In a second statement titled “CITES Parties Killing with Kindness at CoP20 – Rhino Horn & Ivory,” the SUCo-SA Executive criticised what it described as a predictable pattern where CITES Parties praise southern African conservation results while refusing to support related proposals.

The coalition said:

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“They start by congratulating southern African range states for their ‘outstanding successes’… And then, without pause, they immediately announce that they will not support the proposal.”

The statement argued that many countries rejecting downlisting proposals come from regions where rhino or elephant populations have “collapsed or are entirely absent,” and that 47 years of trade bans and demand-reduction campaigns have failed.

“If 47 years of demand-reduction campaigns and trade bans have not saved rhino or elephants, at what point do we acknowledge that this approach is not working?” the coalition asked.

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The statement questioned the positions of the EU, UK and USA, asking why they continue to “punish African conservation successes while rewarding failures” and why they “elevate the views of non-range states and discount the data, management systems, and lived realities of the countries that actually protect these species on the ground.”

According to SUCo-SA, southern African countries deserve practical support, not diplomatic praise that leads to policy obstruction.

“In the most diplomatic but patronising manner, southern African countries are told, in effect, to ‘go to hell, but enjoy the trip.’ This is what we mean when we say they are killing with kindness.”

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The coalition said African states are “not asking for applause; they are asking for recognition of proven results” and the policy space to continue what works.

The statement concludes with a challenge to the global convention:

“CITES must decide whether it wants to remain a forum guided by evidence and sovereignty, or one led by political theatre and external pressure. The future of rhino and elephant conservation depends on that choice.”

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