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Why Binga’s ‘great river people’ feel cut off from their trade

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BY FARAI MATAISHE

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It is mid-morning in Binga district, on the shores of the Zambezi River, and the sun is already scorching.

Takuchinchi Munsaka of the Batonga tribe services the diesel-powered engine of his fishing rig – a boat made up of cylindrical metal at the base, which allows it to float, and energy-saving lightbulbs at the top which help attract kapenta when the fisherman goes out at night.

Strong river torrents move to and from the shore, almost threatening to carry the boats away on this mighty river sandwiched between Zimbabwe and Zambia, while the loud engines of surrounding rigs whine and rattle – drowning out conversations between fishermen on nearby boats.

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When night falls, Munsaka (31), will sail his rig out across the river, lower his black nets into the water below, and fish – kulabula as it is called in his local Tonga language.

Fishing has been a part of his community for generations.

But in recent years, it has become increasingly difficult for many to make it out onto the river at all.

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The reason: fishing permits.

A fishing permit is a legally mandated licence, renewable every three or 12 months, that commercial fishermen are required to have to fish in the Zambezi River.

Issued by the Zimbabwe Parks and Wildlife Management Authority (ZimParks), a state agency responsible for wildlife conservation in the country, the permits were introduced in 1990 in a bid to regulate the number of fishers, thus preventing overfishing and aiding conservation.

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Those caught fishing without a licence can be fined $2,000 and have their boat impounded.

But the relatively high cost – US$1,200 for a yearly permit, plus thousands of dollars to build a fishing rig that meets government regulations – and the limited number of permits handed out each year, has disproportionately benefitted wealthy fishers from the cities at the expense of communities like the Batonga, locals say.

‘I had to survive’

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Munsaka, who is a father of two, lives in Muyobe village, a remote rural community some 50 kilometres from Binga Centre, the financial hub of the district of about 139,000 people.

A tall man of medium build, he has spent much of his life working on the river.

He started young, fighting his way into the fishing industry as a boy, he says.

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“When I reached teenage years, I started buying kapenta from fishermen from the city. I walked for nearly five kilometres up the hills from the Zambezi River to Binga Centre with about 30kg of kapenta, on my back. This was for resale to the locals,” he recounted.

In 2012, he tried to secure his own fishing rig, but he had no capital to buy or build one.

And without a boat or rig, he could not get a fishing permit.

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Munsaka eventually got a job working for someone else who had a fishing rig and a permit.

“I was paid on commission based on a ‘tonnage system’.

For a captain, if he manages one tonne of kapenta, he was paid US$80 per month while crew members like me were paid US$75 per month,” said Munsaka, whose job involved lowering the nets into the water.

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“The working conditions were exploitative but I had no choice.

I had to survive,” he adds.

He feels it was this exploitation that pushed him to work harder, so that he could make money and one day achieve his dream of owning his own fishing rig and getting a permit.

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Since 2017, he has rented a permit and a boat from a relative who is among the few Batonga people to have fishing licences in Binga.

Leasing one’s permits to other fishermen is a practice ZimParks does not object to as, according to Tinashe Farawo, a ZimParks spokesperson, “subleasing does not add any fishing rigs into the river”.

By 2020, Munsaka had raised enough money for his fishing rig, which cost $8,000 to build.

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He applied for a fishing permit from ZimParks that same year but is yet to be given one.

“I was supposed to be given the permit in June 2021 but I still have not heard from ZimParks. This year I am not sure if I will get it. Perhaps next year,” he said.

‘It’s who we are as people’

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Munsaka’s forefathers have fished along the Zambezi River for generations.

Before white colonialists occupied the country, then called Rhodesia, the Batonga were known as “the great river people” and lived in Kariba, making their livelihoods along the river where they could fish and practise agriculture in the surrounding fertile wetlands throughout the year.

Historically, the tribe relied on fish as a source of protein and on fishing for their survival.

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These natural resources were freely available to them, and from a young age, Batonga would be taught to fish using tools like fishing baskets and canoes.

They would fish along the Zambezi and its tributaries without fear of breaching any laws, as there were no state regulations on fishing methods, or which part of the river to fish in, or the quantity of fish one could catch.

But all that changed in the 1950s when the colonial government forcibly moved the Batonga to make way for the construction of the Kariba Dam.

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Most were resettled in Binga, about 484km away, but some were relocated as far as Siabuwa, 84km from the Zambezi River – making it impossible for them to maintain their normal riverside existence.

After the resettlement, Batonga were given “compensation” in the form of grain to sustain them until they could somehow farm in this otherwise barren land filled with drought-resistant mopane, acacia and baobab trees.

But being cut off from the river, and the tougher restrictions on fishing licences that were introduced in subsequent decades, made much of the tribe feel that their way of life was criminalised.

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“Fishing for us has been an important factor being our nutrition as well as being important in our economy. We trace it to who we are as a people,” said Prince Dubeko Sibanda, an opposition party MDC-Alliance member of parliament for Binga North.

“Fishing is not only for economic and other social reasons, but it is part and parcel of our life, it has been part and parcel of our culture,” he said, adding that the colonial laws which were introduced in a bid to conserve the fishing sector were not inclusive of the tribe.

After the construction of the Kariba Dam in the 1950s, the then-Rhodesian government introduced other species of fish such as kapenta in a bid to commercialise the sector.

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By the 1970s the sector was flourishing, but with fears of possible overfishing in the Zambezi River and Lake Kariba, licensing processes and regulations were tightened.

During these pre-Independence times, the industry was dominated by white people, while Black people – including the Batonga – had limited access to licences.

Most Batonga in the fisheries sector at the time worked for white people.

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After 1980, when Zimbabwe gained independence, the licensing regulations were eased slightly to allow Black people to enter the sector.

The government also introduced a cooperative system – an initiative where a minimum of 10 people could come together to apply for fishing permits.

This was aimed at compensating and empowering the Batonga who had been affected by the displacements in Kariba in the 1950s.

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However, the cooperative system was later monopolised by politicians and businessmen, resulting in non-Batonga people benefitting more than the locals, said Munsaka.

Barriers and costs

Today, the Batonga number some 300,000 people and are situated between the northern parts of Zimbabwe (including Binga) and the southern parts of Zambia.

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Four decades after independence, Binga, which is one of the most sparsely populated districts in Zimbabwe, has remained under-developed with inaccessible roads, poor connectivity and inadequate infrastructure such as schools and clinics.

Many Batonga homes have no electricity, despite it being generated from Lake Kariba – which lies in the valley that used to be their home – and supplied to cities hundreds of kilometres away.

Farming is not always viable, due to poor soil and insufficient rain, so the Batonga have limited sources of income.

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Some depend on traditional craft-making – basketry, wood-carving, textile and jewellery making; others survive on remittances from the diaspora – relatives who live mainly in Zambia, South Africa and Botswana.

Wealthy residents of Harare often come to Binga to enjoy its sand beach, hot springs, boat cruises and recreational fishing. But for most Batonga people, fishing is not a recreational activity – it is their means of survival. To sustain what has historically been their primary source of income, however, they are now required to pay.

Fishermen in Binga believe these levies should be decreased.

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“Many locals cannot afford the US$1,200 fees required [for the fishing permit],” says Givemore Gwafa, a chairperson of the Binga Fisheries Association, a membership-based local trade union that represents fishermen. “This is a barrier to many current and aspirant fishermen.”

Civic society groups have expressed and called for the government to relax its licensing process to accommodate more Batonga fishermen.

Cooperatives

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Since the 1980s some Batonga from Binga and Kariba have formed cooperatives under the Ministry of Women Affairs, Community, Small and Medium Enterprises to apply for permits from ZimParks.

Tapiwa Mateiswana (40), a Tonga from Shangwe in Kariba, started fishing in 1991, working for rig owners from Harare. But in 2019, he got his own rig and a permit through a cooperative.

“I have been applying as individual several times with no success,” he said, sitting at an old resort-turned-harbour for fishing rigs on the shore of Zambezi in Binga.

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The father of 14 children sits barefoot on a wooden stool, wearing brown shorts and a pink shirt. He holds a spanner in his right hand as he talks, determined to finish servicing the diesel-powered engine of his fishing rig before night falls.

He explains that the cooperative system has paid off for him.

“In 2019, we were advised to join hands and apply for the fishing permits as a cooperative. We were lucky we got the licences,” he said, smiling.

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While fishermen in Binga say they struggle to get even single permits, Munsaka said he knows of some people from the city who have several permits per person.

“These people from the city have money, some are businesspeople. They just apply and get the licences.

They have the money to have as many fishing vessels as possible.

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It is sad that the Batonga people are failing to get even one licence while some rich people from the city can get as many as they want,” he says.

But Clever Mutondori, who relocated to Binga in 2010 from Marondera, about 70km outside Harare, told Al Jazeera that he faced the same struggle as the locals when trying to get a fishing permit.

“I ventured into fishing by buying from local fishermen and resale in Bulawayo and Harare.

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I wanted to raise money to buy my own fishing rig. I bought a second-hand rig in 2011 and started fishing in 2012.

“I then started buying several fishing rigs. By December 2014, I had 12 fishing rigs,” said Mutondori.

“The permits I used were all on lease …

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‘It was tough to get permits because the authorities tried to minimise the number of fishermen. In 2015, I finally got the fishing permits with assistance from a local chief.”

ZimParks’ Farawo said granting licences to everyone who applies would threaten conservation.

“We risk overfishing. There is a need to make decisions based on scientific assessments. Kariba alone has 275 commercial licences for Zimbabweans and 225 for Zambians,” he says.

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“All local headmen have fishing licences and most members of the community belong to cooperatives.

“However, some that have received licences have hired them to other people.”

Making a living from fishing

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Munsaka and Mateiswana have been able to look after their families from incomes generated from the fishing industry.

Mateiswana said he uses the profits to pay the school fees for his children “as well as buying all other essentials for the family”.

“I am glad that with this business I am able to make sure that none of my children goes to bed with an empty stomach,” he said.

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Fishing is Munsaka’s only source of income.

“In a good month, I can get about 16 bags of kapenta with each bag weighing 30kgs,” he said.

But over the years, overfishing has affected his catch.

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“I remember in 2017 when I started renting this fishing rig and permit, I would get about 30 bags with each weighing 30kgs of kapenta in April. But in April 2021, I got about 12 bags of kapenta,” he said.

From the 16 bags he gets today, he says he gives 10 to the fishing vessel owner and keeps the last six for himself to sell.

“There is not much profit. But I have no choice as I want to put food on the table for my family.”

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Munsaka says his kapenta attracts buyers from as far away as Bulawayo and Harare.

“We sell our catch to people in Binga and to those from Harare and Bulawayo at wholesale prices.”

He has even employed three people, a captain and two crew members.

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But with a reduced catch, he sometimes struggles to pay his workers. “Worse is budgeting the $1,200 for the annual fishing permit,” he added.

Binga Fisheries Association’s Gwafa says fishing produce has gone down over the years due to a number of factors from overfishing, poachers and poor conversation between the fishermen.

He says their counterparts in Zambia often drift into Zimbabwean waters, affecting the conservation efforts of the locals.

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“Some fishermen with nets disturb these breeding places. Once the process is disturbed, our production goes down.”

‘I am related to these waters’

Sibanda, the MP for Binga North, describes how, before they were moved in the 1950s and before state regulations for fishing were introduced, the tribe had its own way of practising sustainable fishing and preserving the natural resources.

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“The resettlement changed everything,” he said.

“It is not like that we the Batonga never knew how to conserve fish. We knew. The laws that came into place changed the manner we looked at conservation.”

Sibanda said that for the Batonga people to once again benefit from fishing there is a need for the devolution of some decision-making power from the national to the provincial level.

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This would empower local authorities to spearhead economic and social development projects in their areas by leveraging local resources.

“We need to make sure that the laws are decided at the level they are implemented.

“We allow the people that are surrounded by the resources to be the people who help in deciding the crafting of the law as well as its implementation,” he said.

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“If the Batonga people are to benefit from the fish that God gave them, the board that decides on the fishing laws and the board that give the fishing licences should be controlled by people that are in Binga rather than from Harare.”

For Munsaka, he still hopes that one day the authorities will grant him a licence.

“I am related to these waters,” he said. “I will keep on renting the permit until I get mine, I will never give up.” Aljazeera

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VicFallsLive editorial policy

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As VicFallsLive and its staff, we commit ourselves to the highest standards of independent journalism.  We serve the public’s right to know in line with Section 20 of Zimbabwe’s donstitution which guarantees this fundamental right in order to allow citizens to make informed decisions and judgments about their society. We pledge to exercise our role with care and responsibility to safeguard public trust in our integrity.

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Tens of Thousands in Zimbabwe Go Hungry as the Rains — and US Aid — Hold Back

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Tanayeishe Musau eats baobab porridge after school at his home in Mudzi, Zimbabwe, where the dish has become a daily staple amid worsening drought and hunger. Once a simple supplement, baobab porridge is now a primary meal for families like his, following widespread food shortages and the suspension of international aid.

BY LINDA MUJURU

This story was originally published by Global Press Journal.

Agnes Tauzeni stands on her parched field. She is a mother to two children, and is expecting another. But now, in a time that might otherwise have been joyful, her hopes wither like the struggling crops before her.

 

Three times she’s gambled on the rains; three times the sky has betrayed her. Her first two plantings failed. The soil was too dry to sustain life. Though her third attempt yielded a few weak shoots, they offered little promise of a meaningful harvest. El Niño-driven droughts have disrupted once-reliable rains, leaving Tauzeni’s family and many like hers struggling to feed themselves.

 

“I am always hungry,” Tauzeni says.

 

She worries about the health of her unborn child, based on how little nutrition she consumes herself.

 

Adding to this, food aid, previously funded by the US Agency for International Development, halted suddenly in January. That transformed what was already a struggle into a desperate battle for survival.

 

The food aid ended when US President Donald Trump, on his first day in office, issued an executive order that paused nearly all US foreign aid, most of which was administered by USAID. That agency is now all but defunct.

 

Food aid in Zimbabwe was an ongoing area of funding for USAID. In November 2024, the agency announced $130 million for two seven-year programs, implemented by CARE and Cultivating New Frontiers in Agriculture, that would provide food aid and other related support to areas of Zimbabwe most in need. The programs, which stopped, were just part of an ongoing slate of activities designed to help Zimbabwe’s neediest people.

 

About 7.6 million people in Zimbabwe — nearly half the country’s population — need humanitarian assistance, according to a 2025 UNICEF report. Of those, nearly 6 million, like Tauzeni, rely on subsistence farming.

 

Through the support of organizations with funding from USAID, people previously received cereals, edible seeds, oil and food vouchers.

 

“A sudden withdrawal can put the entire community in a dire situation,” says Hilton Mbozi, a seed systems and climate change expert.

 

Tauzeni recalls that her community used to receive food supplies such as beans, cooking oil and peanut butter to help combat malnutrition.

 

When Tauzeni got married in 2017, her fields promised abundance. Her harvests were plentiful, and her family never lacked food. Now, those memories feel like whispers from another world. The past two agricultural seasons, those harvests have been devastatingly poor.

 

With an empty granary and dwindling options, Tauzeni’s family survives on the same food every day: baobab porridge in the morning and sadza with wild okra in the evening. But Tauzeniworries whether even this will be on the table in the coming months.

 

“The little maize I have, I got after weeding someone else’s crops, but that won’t take us far,” she says.

 

Tauzeni says a 20-kilogram (44-pound) bag of maize costs US$13 in her village, an amount out of reach for her. Her only source of income is farming. When that fails, she has no money at all.

 

Hunger like Tauzeni experiences is widespread. Some families now eat just once a day.

 

Headman David Musau, leader of Musau village where Tauzenilives, says some people in his village did not plant any seeds this season, fearing losses due to the low rainfall. The government provides food aid inconsistently, usually 7 kilograms (15 pounds) of wheat per person for three months.

 

“It’s not enough, but it helps,” he says.

 

But without any other food aid, survival is at stake, he says. “People will die in the near future.”

 

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Zimbabwe’s new mothers face extortion for ‘free’ child health cards

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Photo credit: Gamuchirai Masiyiwa, GPJ Zimbabwe

BY GAMUCHIRAI MASIYIWA

Summary: The quiet return of maternity fees and the black-market sale of essential documents put extra burdens on mothers as they struggle to navigate a broken system.

First-time mother Connie Jowastands with her 3-month-old baby nestled against her back, chatting with other mothers in line. Like many women at this crowded clinic in Harare’s Mabvuku suburb, Jowa is trying to get a Child Health Card, which was unavailable when she gave birth at a public hospital, and was still out of reach at her local clinic. Health cards are mysteriously out of stock.

 

But they can be bought under the table, if you know who to ask and are willing to pay.

 

Zimbabwe’s Child Health Cards, meant to be free to new mothers, are crucial documents that track babies’ growth, vaccinations and medical histories. Without them, each clinic visit becomes a reset button. Inquiry into the child’s medical history starts from scratch. Since July 2024, the cards have disappeared from health facilities across Harare’s central hospitals and 42 council clinics — even though the card’s producers say they’re making enough to meet demand. This artificial shortage has birthed a shadow market where clinic staff quietly sell this essential document to desperate mothers. This sort of nickel-and-dime bribery exposes deep cracks in a health care system that’s already failing the most vulnerable people.

 

What started as a clandestine operation has become an open secret.

 

“When cards arrive at a clinic, they’re kept by the sister in charge. But it’s usually nurse aides or junior staff who sell them, working in cahoots with other staff members,” says Simbarashe James Tafirenyika, who leads the Zimbabwe Municipality’s Nurses and Allied Workers Union.

 

Someone who sells 100 cards can pocket around US$500, she says, and none of that money goes to the government of the council.

 

The going rate for the Child Health Card is US$5, say several mothers who spoke to Global Press Journal.

 

Medical Histories on Scraps of Paper

 

When the system works as designed, every mother receives a Child Health Card when her baby is born. Now, most mothers must track their infants’ medical histories on scraps of paper.

 

Harare’s council clinics alone deliver more than 3,000 babies every month, with each mother left scrambling for documentation.

 

“I feel hurt,” Jowa says. “I want to know what vaccines my child has received and their purposes, but I just can’t get that information.”

 

A nurse aide assistant at one of the council clinics has witnessed this shadow market.

 

“If a nurse is selling, they ask the mother to be ‘skillful’ if they need the card,” says the assistant, who requested anonymity for fear of retribution. In Zimbabwe, “skillful” is a common euphemism for paying small bribes.

 

While the Ministry of Health and Child Care is supposed to supply the cards for free, Prosper Chonzi, the City of Harare’s director of health, admits supplies have been erratic for six months and that people have complained about being forced to purchase these cards. Clinic workers may be exploiting the known shortage and coordinating among themselves to sell the cards rather than providing them for free, he says.

 

“We can’t rule that out,” he says.

 

The card shortage coincides with the quiet return of maternity fees in public hospitals. Though not officially announced, hospitals have begun billing mothers after delivery — a policy change the government would neither confirm nor deny.

 

High Inflation, More Corruption

 

Between 2011 and 2024, more than 1 million pregnant women in the country delivered babies for free at health care clinics, under a scheme called results-based financing. Maternal mortality rates dropped during that time.

 

But these gains, partly achieved through better access to safe delivery services, face new hurdles as budget constraints and economic pressures reshape the health care landscape.

 

Even in 2021, a study from Transparency International Zimbabwe surveyed over 1,000 people in Zimbabwe and found that 74% had been asked to pay a bribe while trying to access health care services. A feeling of being underpaid amidst a deteriorating economy and high inflation was a key driver among health workers who solicitated bribes, which has been a rising trend, according to the study.

 

“The motivation for earning an extra income is strong especially in countries with a high rate of inflation,” the study states.

 

Zimbabwe’s health care system faces chronic challenges, including an exodus of health workers to other countries, inadequate funding, drug shortages, obsolete infrastructure and more. In 1991, the government introduced user fees across public institutions as part of an economic structural adjustment program. The government abolished the fees in 2011, only to partially reinstate them around 2013.

 

Prudence Hanyani, a community activist in Harare, says the reintroduction of user fees in public hospitals will burden women who already shoulder extra costs, like paying for midwives, so they can get better treatment when giving birth.

 

“Maternal health services should be free,” she says, “because giving birth is a service for the nation that contributes to the country’s population.”

 

Mothers Pay the Price

 

Valerie Shangwa, who gave birth four and a half months ago at a private maternity hospital, still has no card for her daughter.

 

“You know how difficult it is to keep a paper,” she says. “When nurses ask about last month’s weight, you end up guessing, and that distorts the whole record.”

 

Charlton Prickise, technical director at Print Flow, says his company sells Child Health Cards only to government-authorized health facilities and faces no shortages.

 

“The shortages mean health facilities simply aren’t coming to get them,” he says.

 

Though Print Flow hasn’t detected leaks, Prickise recalls finding other versions of this card on the market two years ago, possibly from a nongovernmental organization. Print Flow isn’t the sole supplier of the cards, and they haven’t received any government orders recently.

 

In a written response to Global Press Journal, Donald Mujiri, spokesperson for the Ministry of Health and Child Care, said the shortage of Child Health Cards is due to supply chain inefficiencies and insufficient donor funding. The cards, he says, are procured with government funding and aid from supporting partners such as the United Nations Children’s Fund. Nevertheless, Mujiri says, the ministry needs to strengthen the supply chain management system at all levels and proactively mobilize resources for procuring the cards.

 

Meanwhile, mothers wait — or pay the price. Faith Musinami, 26, delivered her daughter in July 2024. An orderly told her the clinic only had cards for boys, but if she wanted, they could organize one for US$5. Musinami had not budgeted for the cost. She sacrificed the last penny she had.

This story was originally published by Global Press Journal.

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