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Elusive votes: Binga female politicians battle patriarchy

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BY NOKUTHABA DLAMINI

Aspiring Binga politician Tabona Muleya is frustrated by her community’s reluctance to embrace female leaders.

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Muleya (28) from Sinamagonde has over the years invested financial resources and time to learn the ropes in politics, but feels her efforts are going down the drain.

In 2013, the budding politician contested as an independent council candidate for Binga Rural District Council and garnered a mere 13 votes.

Muleya believes that if she was a male candidate, she would have easily won the poll given the amount of grassroots support she enjoyed and the highly subscribed campaign meetings.

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“I was voted for by only 13 people in 2013 and I have lost interest,” she said resignedly.

“When you campaign, they will listen to you but the outcome of the polls showed that our people are still reluctant to support female candidates, mainly because of misplaced cultural beliefs that we can’t lead.

“The chiefs, village heads and other ordinary villagers associate a man with power and believe that women should play subordinate roles.

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“Women’s voices are always disrespected even if we do command a lot of support in the communities and we know the issues that affect them.”

Muleya says the fact that she was a single mother complicated her political aspirations as unmarried women are looked down upon in her community.

“It’s not easy to convince people in a patriarchal society that you will be able to lead them when you are a woman,” she said.

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“It’s even worse when you are a single mother like me.”

Binga only has one female councillor out of 25 and has no female representative in the National Assembly or Senate.

Muleya’s story resonated with that of 51-year-old Juliana Muskwe, who has been contesting to be a Member of Parliament since 2013 on a ruling Zanu PF party  ticket.

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Muskwe from Tinde says her greatest hurdle is winning the confidence of traditional leaders, who are considered to be power brokers in rural constituencies such as Binga.

“I started contesting for political office in 2013 on a Zanu PF ticket in Binga South and I lost,” she said.

“I tried again in 2018, but I was not successful and I believe one of the reasons I lost is because I am a Tonga woman.

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“Our culture does not encourage women to become leaders and often our voices don’t matter during political campaigns.”

Muskwe said the patriarchal nature of society also made it difficult for women to support fellow female candidates as they were conditioned to believe that only men can lead.

“I have been to various countries such as Kenya and Ghana to learn about leadership,” she added.

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“I would come back emancipated and campaign to a point where l would be confident of winning, but when it comes to elections I will lose.

“I have been neglected by fellow women, who are also victims of patriarchy because they are told by men that we can’t lead.

“Our culture teaches us that women can’t stand in front of men at whatever platform and our community takes this to heart.”

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Muskwe has even been encouraged by fellow women to give up on her political ambitions because they feel she is wasting her time.

However, the tough talking activist is not giving up yet and plans to contest in Zanu PF primary elections for the Binga South parliamentary seat ahead of the 2023 elections.

“I want to articulate women’s issues in Parliament and also to give fellow women the confidence to stand up for things that matter to them,” Muskwe added.

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“After my experience where I have lost elections twice, I feel that I have a lot to offer in building the capacity of female leaders in Binga.”

Twenty-nine-year-old Lenziwe Nyoni said she will not let the hurdles encountered by women like Muskwe and Muleya stand in the way of her political ambitions, but does not want anything to do with party politics.

“I want to contest as an independent candidate because the dominant MDC Alliance party already has its own representatives (for the 2023 elections),” Nyoni said.

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“My wish is to speak for voiceless women and children in council so that they also get equal opportunities in education and employment.”

Zimbabwe’s new constitution adopted in 2013 sets a quota for female representatives in Parliament.

Analysis of party lists by the Women in Politics Support Unit shows that neither the ruling Zanu-PF, which has a 30% quota for women, nor the main opposition MDC Alliance, which boasted a 50% quota for women, have lived up to their manifestos.

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In 2018, 47 political parties fielded candidates and 20 of these did not field any women candidates.

Only two parties fielded only one woman each. In total, women comprised a mere 15% of candidates leaving 84 out of 210 constituencies contested by men only.

The constitution provides a quota of 60 seats set aside for proportional representation and this increased the number of female legislators from 16 to 34%.

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The 60 reserved seats for women are additional to any women elected to the other 210 National Assembly seats.

Similar provisions also apply to the Senate.

There are calls to extend the quota system to local government where women only comprise 14% of councillors in Zimbabwe’s urban and rural councils.

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President Emmerson Mnangagwa last year backed proposals made at the inaugural Women Councillors Indaba held in Victoria Falls for a quota for women in local government leadership positions.

The 2013 constitution also created the Zimbabwe Gender Commission whose mandate is to promote the elevation of women into leadership positions and defend their rights.

Zimbabwe is a signatory to many declarations aimed at increasing women’s participation in decision-making processes.

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They included the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa and the Southern African Development Community’s Gender and Development Protocol.

Prince Dubeko Sibanda, MDC Alliance chairperson for Matabeleland North, attributed the poor representation of women in leadership positions to cultural beliefs and at times lack of capacity.

“When I got into this position in 2013, I made sure that a woman was given the position unopposed, or at least challenged by another female candidate that is why we have one (councillor),” Sibanda said.

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“I think one of the reasons why women are not standing up for electoral positions is an issue of culture.

“While women make the majority of our political mobilisers in the district, when it comes to standing up and leading our culture generally indicates that men can lead and because of that we haven’t had many women standing up to take up leadership positions.

“We find that most women in terms of capacity they are lacking, especially women that participate in politics.”

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Sibanda said some educated women were not willing to join politics.

“You will find that most women, who are professionals or academically equipped don’t want to associate with politics,” he said.

“Those who tend to have an interest are poorly resourced and lack the confidence to challenge for political office.

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“But we are still busy trying to identify more and more women so that they can occupy these positions.”

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National

Inside the ‘bondage’ of Zimbabwe’s contract tobacco farming

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BY LINDA MUJURU

Zimbabwe’s tobacco sector was once on the brink of collapse. Now, it’s booming again. Last year alone, it earned the country close to US$1 billion in revenue.

But though the crop is one of the country’s top exports and production has soared, small-scale contract farmers say they see little profit due to restrictive financing agreements.

The tobacco boom, farmers say, is keeping them in debt.

Gift Ngoma is among them. When he lost his clerk job eight years ago, tobacco farming was the only way he could feed his family. But fertilizer, seeds and labor proved expensive. Even money from the few cows he sold wasn’t enough.

Like many rural Zimbabweans, he’d gotten land — about 3.5 hectares (9 acres) — through traditional tenure. But those who secured land that way often lack a title deed. For Ngoma, formal credit was out of the question.

Ngoma knew of local farmers who had entered agreements with private companies. The deals looked good at first: Each planting season, a company provided farmers with seeds and fertilizer on credit. They’d offer technical support throughout the season. In return, farmers sold enough of their crop to the company and used part of the revenue to cover what they owed.

Ngoma signed on with Premium Leaf Zimbabwe, a subsidiary of Premium Tobacco — a global company headquartered in Dubai.

The company provided him with seeds and some money for labor. Once harvest came, he sold enough tobacco to the company to pay off his debt. But over time, he says, this agreement came to feel like a trap. The seeds and other inputs are overpriced, he says, and there’s little money left over to find true success as a farmer.

Thin rewards

More than 100,000 small-scale tobacco farmers in Zimbabwe have entered into contracts with tobacco companies, according to data from the Tobacco Industry and Marketing Board, a statutory body that oversees tobacco production in the country.

The contracts — heavily financed by companies such as British American Tobacco and Tian Ze (China Tobacco) — now support over 95% of Zimbabwe’s tobacco production.

The five largest importers of Zimbabwe’s raw tobacco are China, South Africa, Mozambique, United Arab Emirates and Indonesia.

But smallholding farmers don’t feel that success. In December 2024, the government announced plans to issue title deeds to beneficiaries of the land reform program, which would give farmers a chance to use their land as collateral and rely less on contract farming. But for now, many still rely on tobacco contracts.

“We are in a cycle of oppression,” Ngoma says. “There is poverty in contract farming. It’s as if we are laborers on our farms.”

When Global Press Journal reached out to Premium Leaf Zimbabwe for comment, they said it was the company’s policy to “protect the privacy of our farmers and operational integrity.” Tian Ze and British American Tobacco did not respond to several requests for comment.

The land link

Zimbabwe’s shift to contract farming has roots in a wider story of land reform.

At independence in 1980, white Zimbabweans — who made up less than 2% of the population — controlled nearly half of all agricultural land. The majority black population was confined to degraded, overcrowded communal areas.

In 2000, then-President Robert Mugabe launched the controversial Fast Track Land Reform Programme. The government redistributed millions of hectares of land from about 6,000 large, white-owned farms to more than 168,000 black-owned farms, according to a Human Rights Watch report.

The reforms were rushed, controversial and violent, but they brought a new agrarian structure. Tobacco, at the time one of the most valuable crops and dominated by white-owned farms, shifted to small-scale operations by the new landowners.

But the new generation of farmers didn’t have access to traditional bank credit since they didn’t hold deeds to their land. Tobacco production dropped dramatically, from over 197,000 tons in 1998 to about 44,000 tons in 2006.

Farmers needed support, and into the vacuum stepped contract schemes, mostly by Chinese agribusinesses such as Tian Ze. They supplied seeds, fertilizers and technical support in exchange for crop guarantees, price control and access to global markets. Ultimately, those contracts played a key role in the post-reform tobacco boom.

‘We continue to be dependent’

Contract schemes now dominate Zimbabwe’s tobacco farming, says Emmanuel Matsvaire, acting chief executive officer of the Tobacco Industry and Marketing Board. In the 2024-25 season alone, the board recorded a total of 106,555 small-scale growers, he says, and about 89% of these are contract farming. In the 2025 season, the board licensed 43 companies to contract tobacco farmers.

The country’s economy has long struggled and “local financing is generally limited,” Matsvaire says. These companies fill the gap.

But farmers say the fine print works against them.

Seeds and fertilizer are overpriced, Ngoma says. For half a hectare, he receives seven bags of fertilizer for US$65 each. At the shops, the same bag costs about US$40. Many farmers don’t have ready cash to buy directly from shops, so they rely on private companies to provide fertilizer and other inputs, even if it means paying more when harvest comes.

“Because of poverty, we continue to be dependent,” Ngoma says.

Once contract farmers pay back the debts, very little is left. In some cases, the total earnings don’t even cover the debt, Ngoma says, which forces them to grow tobacco for the same company the next season.

The companies control the whole process, including land use, Ngoma says, adding that at times they bring in agricultural experts who dictate seed types, planting times and farming methods, completely disregarding local farming knowledge.

Peter Neshumba, 36, began contract farming for Premium Leaf Zimbabwe in 2024. He says these companies go as far as controlling whether farmers can plant anything else. They want full devotion for their crops, he says. “Until harvest, the land essentially belongs to them.”

If a farmer doesn’t stick to the rules, the company might refuse to buy their crop or leave them without a contract the next season, he says.

A contract analyzed in a 2023 study in Oikos, a journal published by Zimbabwe Ezekiel Guti University, shows just how tobacco contracts lock small-scale farmers into risky debt. The 2019-20 Tian Ze contract required farmers to repay loans before seeing any profit, even requiring some to put their property on the line as collateral.

Undoing land reforms

These arrangements undermine Zimbabwe’s land reforms, says George Seremwe, the president of the Zimbabwe Tobacco Growers Association. The reforms were meant to redress colonial imbalances, but contract farming introduces new vulnerabilities for small-scale farmers as they cede control of their land to contracting companies.

But Nelson Marongwe, an independent land expert who has researched tobacco farming and land rights, doesn’t think so. The contracts are valid, he says, and address a production gap.

But it needs to be for a limited period, he says, as there is a risk of farmers losing autonomy and companies abusing their bargaining power.

‘I feel used’

The tobacco board is trying to make these arrangements fairer to farmers, Matsvaire says. The government is implementing a framework to ensure farmers receive a fair share of profits, receive inputs in time and aren’t burdened with overpriced or substandard inputs. The framework will also set a minimum input package for farmers.

Matsvaire adds that this farming season, the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe has mandated that tobacco farmers retain 70% of their earnings, in US dollars to protect them from exchange-rate losses.

But Ngoma says other issues, like land control and alternative financing methods, still need to be addressed.

One solution, Marongwe, the land expert, says, is to secure rural land rights for all farmers, which would expand access to other financing options.

Seremwe says farmers need fairer terms, but the solution is not to abandon contract farming, since the country needs the foreign investment.

Despite the challenges, Neshumba plans to keep contract farming. He doesn’t have financing alternatives. When he started, he hoped for better returns. “Now that I’m in it,” he says, “I feel used.”

For farmers like Ngoma, the goal is self-financing.

“Contract farming,” he says, “is a bondage.”

The story was originally published by the Global Press Journal 

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Government discord over tinted vehicle directive

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BY WANDILE TSHUMA

In a surprising turn of events, President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s spokesman, George Charamba, has dismissed a recent directive mandating the removal of tinted windows from vehicles across Zimbabwe, labeling it as lacking legal grounding and urging the public to disregard it.

Charamba, who is currently accompanying the president in China, issued this clarification on Wednesday, distancing Mnangagwa’s office from the controversial announcement made by Tafadzwa Muguti, the Secretary for Presidential Affairs and Devolution.

“Kindly note: There is no basis in fact or law to the accompanying announcement attributed to Secretary Muguti. Kindly ignore this miscommunication from an unauthorized office and officer!” Charamba stated on X, further attaching a video of Muguti.

Muguti’s original directive, announced during a press conference in Harare on Tuesday, required all private and public motorists to “immediately” strip their vehicles of tinted windows due to a purported increase in crime involving obscured vehicles.

The announcement notably exempted government and VIP transport, as well as vehicles manufactured with standard shades of tint.

The directive quickly sparked confusion, as previous laws do not impose an outright ban on tinted windows. Statutory Instrument 129 of 2015 mandates that windows must provide “a clear, undistorted vision” and a “safe degree of visibility,” indicating that there are conditions under which tints are permissible.

Legal experts have raised concerns over the authority and validity of Muguti’s statement, cautioning that the police could engage in unlawful actions if they attempted to enforce the measure. Lawyer Obey Shava emphasized, “Police should be careful not to make costly decisions based on a statement which is not fully supported by the law. Tint is allowed on condition certain requirements are met,” as reported by ZimLive.

 

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Zimbabwe road traffic fatalities rise to 20 amid recent accidents

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BY STAFF REPORTER

The Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP) has confirmed that the death toll from recent road traffic accidents has tragically escalated to at least 20 individuals in the past few days. This surge in fatalities has raised serious concerns regarding road safety across the nation.

In a statement released today, the ZRP detailed a fatal accident that occurred early this morning at the 246-kilometer peg along the Mutare-Masvingo Road, near Mutendi Complex. A Dragon bus, carrying 20 passengers and traveling from Beitbridge to Mutare, collided with a haulage truck while attempting to overtake. The bus driver swerved back into his lane upon noticing an oncoming vehicle, resulting in a devastating sideswipe that caused timber from the truck to pierce into the bus. Eight people, including the bus driver, died at the scene, and four others were injured in the crash. The injured were transferred to Masvingo General Hospital for treatment.

The ZRP emphasized the alarming trend of road accidents in their statement, noting

that these incidents were predominantly caused by reckless overtaking. “Most of the accidents recorded recently have been due to overtaking errors on the part of drivers,” police officials stated. “We urge all motorists to exercise extreme caution and adhere strictly to traffic regulations.”

This latest accident follows another tragic incident on August 28 involving a Toyota Fortuner GD6 at the 46-kilometer peg along the same road. The vehicle veered off the road and hit a concrete signpost, resulting in four immediate fatalities. This number subsequently rose to six as two more victims succumbed to their injuries after being admitted to Victoria Chitepo Provincial Hospital.

Additionally, on August 29, a separate accident on the Harare-Nyamapanda Road claimed the lives of seven family members when a kombi they were traveling in lost control during an overtaking maneuver, resulting in an overturn that killed five instantly and two more in the hospital.

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