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Elusive votes: Binga female politicians battle patriarchy

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BY NOKUTHABA DLAMINI

Aspiring Binga politician Tabona Muleya is frustrated by her community’s reluctance to embrace female leaders.

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Muleya (28) from Sinamagonde has over the years invested financial resources and time to learn the ropes in politics, but feels her efforts are going down the drain.

In 2013, the budding politician contested as an independent council candidate for Binga Rural District Council and garnered a mere 13 votes.

Muleya believes that if she was a male candidate, she would have easily won the poll given the amount of grassroots support she enjoyed and the highly subscribed campaign meetings.

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“I was voted for by only 13 people in 2013 and I have lost interest,” she said resignedly.

“When you campaign, they will listen to you but the outcome of the polls showed that our people are still reluctant to support female candidates, mainly because of misplaced cultural beliefs that we can’t lead.

“The chiefs, village heads and other ordinary villagers associate a man with power and believe that women should play subordinate roles.

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“Women’s voices are always disrespected even if we do command a lot of support in the communities and we know the issues that affect them.”

Muleya says the fact that she was a single mother complicated her political aspirations as unmarried women are looked down upon in her community.

“It’s not easy to convince people in a patriarchal society that you will be able to lead them when you are a woman,” she said.

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“It’s even worse when you are a single mother like me.”

Binga only has one female councillor out of 25 and has no female representative in the National Assembly or Senate.

Muleya’s story resonated with that of 51-year-old Juliana Muskwe, who has been contesting to be a Member of Parliament since 2013 on a ruling Zanu PF party  ticket.

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Muskwe from Tinde says her greatest hurdle is winning the confidence of traditional leaders, who are considered to be power brokers in rural constituencies such as Binga.

“I started contesting for political office in 2013 on a Zanu PF ticket in Binga South and I lost,” she said.

“I tried again in 2018, but I was not successful and I believe one of the reasons I lost is because I am a Tonga woman.

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“Our culture does not encourage women to become leaders and often our voices don’t matter during political campaigns.”

Muskwe said the patriarchal nature of society also made it difficult for women to support fellow female candidates as they were conditioned to believe that only men can lead.

“I have been to various countries such as Kenya and Ghana to learn about leadership,” she added.

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“I would come back emancipated and campaign to a point where l would be confident of winning, but when it comes to elections I will lose.

“I have been neglected by fellow women, who are also victims of patriarchy because they are told by men that we can’t lead.

“Our culture teaches us that women can’t stand in front of men at whatever platform and our community takes this to heart.”

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Muskwe has even been encouraged by fellow women to give up on her political ambitions because they feel she is wasting her time.

However, the tough talking activist is not giving up yet and plans to contest in Zanu PF primary elections for the Binga South parliamentary seat ahead of the 2023 elections.

“I want to articulate women’s issues in Parliament and also to give fellow women the confidence to stand up for things that matter to them,” Muskwe added.

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“After my experience where I have lost elections twice, I feel that I have a lot to offer in building the capacity of female leaders in Binga.”

Twenty-nine-year-old Lenziwe Nyoni said she will not let the hurdles encountered by women like Muskwe and Muleya stand in the way of her political ambitions, but does not want anything to do with party politics.

“I want to contest as an independent candidate because the dominant MDC Alliance party already has its own representatives (for the 2023 elections),” Nyoni said.

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“My wish is to speak for voiceless women and children in council so that they also get equal opportunities in education and employment.”

Zimbabwe’s new constitution adopted in 2013 sets a quota for female representatives in Parliament.

Analysis of party lists by the Women in Politics Support Unit shows that neither the ruling Zanu-PF, which has a 30% quota for women, nor the main opposition MDC Alliance, which boasted a 50% quota for women, have lived up to their manifestos.

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In 2018, 47 political parties fielded candidates and 20 of these did not field any women candidates.

Only two parties fielded only one woman each. In total, women comprised a mere 15% of candidates leaving 84 out of 210 constituencies contested by men only.

The constitution provides a quota of 60 seats set aside for proportional representation and this increased the number of female legislators from 16 to 34%.

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The 60 reserved seats for women are additional to any women elected to the other 210 National Assembly seats.

Similar provisions also apply to the Senate.

There are calls to extend the quota system to local government where women only comprise 14% of councillors in Zimbabwe’s urban and rural councils.

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President Emmerson Mnangagwa last year backed proposals made at the inaugural Women Councillors Indaba held in Victoria Falls for a quota for women in local government leadership positions.

The 2013 constitution also created the Zimbabwe Gender Commission whose mandate is to promote the elevation of women into leadership positions and defend their rights.

Zimbabwe is a signatory to many declarations aimed at increasing women’s participation in decision-making processes.

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They included the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa and the Southern African Development Community’s Gender and Development Protocol.

Prince Dubeko Sibanda, MDC Alliance chairperson for Matabeleland North, attributed the poor representation of women in leadership positions to cultural beliefs and at times lack of capacity.

“When I got into this position in 2013, I made sure that a woman was given the position unopposed, or at least challenged by another female candidate that is why we have one (councillor),” Sibanda said.

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“I think one of the reasons why women are not standing up for electoral positions is an issue of culture.

“While women make the majority of our political mobilisers in the district, when it comes to standing up and leading our culture generally indicates that men can lead and because of that we haven’t had many women standing up to take up leadership positions.

“We find that most women in terms of capacity they are lacking, especially women that participate in politics.”

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Sibanda said some educated women were not willing to join politics.

“You will find that most women, who are professionals or academically equipped don’t want to associate with politics,” he said.

“Those who tend to have an interest are poorly resourced and lack the confidence to challenge for political office.

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“But we are still busy trying to identify more and more women so that they can occupy these positions.”

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National

Zimbabwe Republic Police officer faces charges for allegedly claiming to be ZRP boss

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BY STAFF REPORTER

A Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP) officer appeared in court today facing charges of causing disaffection among police officers, procuring the use of a motor vehicle by fraud, and transmitting false data messages intending to cause harm.

Simbarashe Mandizvidza, an Assistant Inspector in the ZRP, was remanded in custody to Monday, when he will apply for bail.

According to the State, Mandizvidza on August 14, broadcast a video on his YouTube channel, Gondo Harishaye, claiming to be the head of the ZRP, despite knowing that Commissioner General Stephen Mutamba holds the position.

The State alleges that Mandizvidza’s actions were intended to cause disaffection among police officers, contrary to Section 30 of the Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act, Chapter 9:23.

Mandizvidza is also accused of procuring the use of a Ford Ranger vehicle by misrepresenting to Chief Inspector Chiteure that he had been instructed by Commissioner Makomo to use the vehicle for errands.

Furthermore, the State alleges that Mandizvidza transmitted false data messages on his YouTube channel, including claims that the ZRP Traffic section had been temporarily disbanded and that Chinese nationals must leave Zimbabwe within 48 hours.

The State indicated that it will oppose Mandizvidza’s bail application, citing the seriousness of the offenses and the need to protect the public interest.

The case continues on Monday.

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National

Zimbabwe roads claim 24 lives over Heroes holiday

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BY NOKUTHABA DLAMINI 

A total of 24 people lost their lives on Zimbabwe’s roads during the 2025 Heroes and Defence Forces holidays, according to statistics released by the Zimbabwe Republic Police.

The police reported 196 road traffic accidents, 13 of which were fatal, between August 11 and 13. This represents a significant increase from the previous year’s figures, which saw 149 accidents and eight fatalities.

Reckless driving, mechanical faults, speeding, and overtaking errors were cited as major causes of the accidents.

Two major accidents occurred during the period, including a fatal crash on the Mutare-Masvingo Road that claimed the lives of six Zion Christian Church congregants. Another accident on the Bindura-Shamva Road resulted in four fatalities and 17 injuries.

The police have urged motorists to prioritize vehicle maintenance, avoid speeding and reckless overtaking, and adhere to road rules and regulations to prevent further loss of life.

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National

Another Zimbabwe gold coin sale registers little for most

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BY GAMUCHIRAI MASIYIWA

With the price of gold up globally, the Reserve Bank of

Zimbabwe in April put the gold coins it stopped minting a year earlier back on the

market.

But interested investors had to act fast.

By mid-June, the sale of coins from its accumulated stock was abruptly concluded

and another chapter of the currency chaos that has characterized the nation’s

economy for decades was in the books. This time, at least, economists say the

experiment had little effect.

The short-lived sale is just the latest example in a long line of inconsistent policies,

says Ithiel Mavesere, a lecturer in the economics and development department at theUniversity of Zimbabwe. Storing value in a gold coin is not a viable option for the

majority of the population, he adds.

“Ideally, what they should have done is come up with low-value coins, with

denominations as low as equivalent to US$20 for the majority of the population to

afford,

” Mavesere says.

However, Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe Governor John Mushayavanhu says in a written

response to Global Press Journal that the gold coins were effective as an alternative

investment instrument and there was huge demand from both corporations and

individuals. According to RBZ data, corporations bought about 79% of the gold coins

and individuals bought about 21%.

About US$12 million’s worth sold

The lowest denomination of the coins represents a tenth of an ounce of gold,

equivalent to 9,299.13 in Zimbabwe gold, or ZiG, the national currency, or about

US$347. The highest denomination of the coins represents one ounce of gold,

equivalent to ZiG 92,991.34 or about US$3,470.

In all, the central bank has sold gold coins worth ZiG 343 million, or about US$12.8

million, according to Mushayavanhu, who says the recent sale happened after the

bank noted increased demand following the rise in international gold prices.

“In this context, the Reserve Bank re-issued an accumulated parcel of gold coins from

a combination of gold coins which had been bought back from the market through

redemptions and some coins which were still being held at the Reserve Bank from

the previously minted stock,

” the governor wrote.

A statement from the bank in mid-June announcing the halt to the sale indicated it

had been intended to clear the stock of gold coins it had and those that had been

cashed in by their holders.

Mushayavanhu says the bank stopped minting gold coins in April 2024 to prioritize its

gold reserve which, along with foreign currency reserves, backs the Zimbabwe gold

currency.

He says foreign reserves increased from US$270 million in April 2024 to US$731 million

as of the end of June.

The central bank first introduced the Mosi-oa-Tunya gold coins — which share an

indigenous name for Victoria Falls — in 2022 at a time when the country was

experiencing currency instability with high inflation and continued devaluation of

what was then the national currency, the Zimbabwe dollar.

The coins aimed to reduce dependency on the US dollar and help stabilize the

economy. The coins helped mop up excess cash in local currency that was circulatingin the market. Coupled with other monetary measures in 2022, the monthly inflation

rate dropped from about 31% in June to about 12% in August that year.

However, the exchange rate of the Zimbabwe dollar drastically fell against the US

dollar and the government replaced it with the new Zimbabwe gold currency in April

2024. Since its introduction, the currency’s value has been cut in half.

A ‘drop in the ocean’

Lyle Begbie, an economist with Oxford Economics Africa, believes the sale of the gold

coins when they were introduced in 2022 was more of a revenue-generating scheme,

as it happened at a time when inflation was very high.

He says it makes sense that the recent sale of gold coins was influenced by the

increase in gold prices on the global market. But he adds that the value of gold coins

was too little to have an impact on the economy. Begbie says the US$12.8 million in

coins the central bank reported selling is less than 1% of Zimbabwe’s gross domestic

product — which the World Bank estimates at US$44 billion — a “drop in the ocean”

when it comes to the country’s macroeconomic picture.

Prosper Chitambara, an economist based in Harare, agrees the impact of the recent

sale was minimal. He says gold coins don’t have a significant impact on currency

stability in an economy like Zimbabwe’s, which is highly informal and also highly

dollarized — meaning it’s heavily reliant on the US dollar as a currency.

“Most economic agents in our economy prefer to transact using their US dollars

because it’s a highly tradable and highly liquid asset. … So there’s a huge confidence

and trust in the USD than in the gold coins or even in the Zimbabwe gold,

Chitambara says.

Samuel Wadzai, the executive director of Vendors Initiative for Social and Economic

Transformation, an organization in Harare that advocates for the informal business

sector, says there have been a few instances where members have tried to use gold

coins for everyday transactions, but it hasn’t been widespread.

“Most traders still prefer cash due to the challenges of acceptance and the limited

understanding of gold coins in everyday trade,

” he says.

Isheanesu Kwenda, 31, a Harare street vendor with a sociology degree, says the recent

sale of gold coins didn’t offer any benefit for him. Like many Zimbabweans, he has

heard about the gold coins, but has never seen or opted to buy them. The vendor is

part of Zimbabwe’s informal economy, which sustains over 80% of Zimbabwe’s

population and contributes nearly 72% to the country’s GDP.

“Street economics informs that you should not attempt to get something you are not

sure of or do not understand. … I prefer to sell my goods and keep my money in US

dollars because it holds value, or I can keep my money in stock,

” Kwenda says of theclothing he sells.

Last year, Kwenda lost more than half his earnings after Zimbabwe gold was

introduced. After being paid the equivalent of US$1,000 in Zimbabwe dollars, he only

managed to salvage US$360 and lost the rest in exchange rate losses.

For Kwenda, restoring confidence is simple: The government must stick to a plan,

without making sudden U-turns

This story was originally published by Global Press Journal

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