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Why Binga’s ‘great river people’ feel cut off from their trade

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BY FARAI MATAISHE

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It is mid-morning in Binga district, on the shores of the Zambezi River, and the sun is already scorching.

Takuchinchi Munsaka of the Batonga tribe services the diesel-powered engine of his fishing rig – a boat made up of cylindrical metal at the base, which allows it to float, and energy-saving lightbulbs at the top which help attract kapenta when the fisherman goes out at night.

Strong river torrents move to and from the shore, almost threatening to carry the boats away on this mighty river sandwiched between Zimbabwe and Zambia, while the loud engines of surrounding rigs whine and rattle – drowning out conversations between fishermen on nearby boats.

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When night falls, Munsaka (31), will sail his rig out across the river, lower his black nets into the water below, and fish – kulabula as it is called in his local Tonga language.

Fishing has been a part of his community for generations.

But in recent years, it has become increasingly difficult for many to make it out onto the river at all.

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The reason: fishing permits.

A fishing permit is a legally mandated licence, renewable every three or 12 months, that commercial fishermen are required to have to fish in the Zambezi River.

Issued by the Zimbabwe Parks and Wildlife Management Authority (ZimParks), a state agency responsible for wildlife conservation in the country, the permits were introduced in 1990 in a bid to regulate the number of fishers, thus preventing overfishing and aiding conservation.

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Those caught fishing without a licence can be fined $2,000 and have their boat impounded.

But the relatively high cost – US$1,200 for a yearly permit, plus thousands of dollars to build a fishing rig that meets government regulations – and the limited number of permits handed out each year, has disproportionately benefitted wealthy fishers from the cities at the expense of communities like the Batonga, locals say.

‘I had to survive’

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Munsaka, who is a father of two, lives in Muyobe village, a remote rural community some 50 kilometres from Binga Centre, the financial hub of the district of about 139,000 people.

A tall man of medium build, he has spent much of his life working on the river.

He started young, fighting his way into the fishing industry as a boy, he says.

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“When I reached teenage years, I started buying kapenta from fishermen from the city. I walked for nearly five kilometres up the hills from the Zambezi River to Binga Centre with about 30kg of kapenta, on my back. This was for resale to the locals,” he recounted.

In 2012, he tried to secure his own fishing rig, but he had no capital to buy or build one.

And without a boat or rig, he could not get a fishing permit.

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Munsaka eventually got a job working for someone else who had a fishing rig and a permit.

“I was paid on commission based on a ‘tonnage system’.

For a captain, if he manages one tonne of kapenta, he was paid US$80 per month while crew members like me were paid US$75 per month,” said Munsaka, whose job involved lowering the nets into the water.

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“The working conditions were exploitative but I had no choice.

I had to survive,” he adds.

He feels it was this exploitation that pushed him to work harder, so that he could make money and one day achieve his dream of owning his own fishing rig and getting a permit.

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Since 2017, he has rented a permit and a boat from a relative who is among the few Batonga people to have fishing licences in Binga.

Leasing one’s permits to other fishermen is a practice ZimParks does not object to as, according to Tinashe Farawo, a ZimParks spokesperson, “subleasing does not add any fishing rigs into the river”.

By 2020, Munsaka had raised enough money for his fishing rig, which cost $8,000 to build.

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He applied for a fishing permit from ZimParks that same year but is yet to be given one.

“I was supposed to be given the permit in June 2021 but I still have not heard from ZimParks. This year I am not sure if I will get it. Perhaps next year,” he said.

‘It’s who we are as people’

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Munsaka’s forefathers have fished along the Zambezi River for generations.

Before white colonialists occupied the country, then called Rhodesia, the Batonga were known as “the great river people” and lived in Kariba, making their livelihoods along the river where they could fish and practise agriculture in the surrounding fertile wetlands throughout the year.

Historically, the tribe relied on fish as a source of protein and on fishing for their survival.

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These natural resources were freely available to them, and from a young age, Batonga would be taught to fish using tools like fishing baskets and canoes.

They would fish along the Zambezi and its tributaries without fear of breaching any laws, as there were no state regulations on fishing methods, or which part of the river to fish in, or the quantity of fish one could catch.

But all that changed in the 1950s when the colonial government forcibly moved the Batonga to make way for the construction of the Kariba Dam.

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Most were resettled in Binga, about 484km away, but some were relocated as far as Siabuwa, 84km from the Zambezi River – making it impossible for them to maintain their normal riverside existence.

After the resettlement, Batonga were given “compensation” in the form of grain to sustain them until they could somehow farm in this otherwise barren land filled with drought-resistant mopane, acacia and baobab trees.

But being cut off from the river, and the tougher restrictions on fishing licences that were introduced in subsequent decades, made much of the tribe feel that their way of life was criminalised.

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“Fishing for us has been an important factor being our nutrition as well as being important in our economy. We trace it to who we are as a people,” said Prince Dubeko Sibanda, an opposition party MDC-Alliance member of parliament for Binga North.

“Fishing is not only for economic and other social reasons, but it is part and parcel of our life, it has been part and parcel of our culture,” he said, adding that the colonial laws which were introduced in a bid to conserve the fishing sector were not inclusive of the tribe.

After the construction of the Kariba Dam in the 1950s, the then-Rhodesian government introduced other species of fish such as kapenta in a bid to commercialise the sector.

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By the 1970s the sector was flourishing, but with fears of possible overfishing in the Zambezi River and Lake Kariba, licensing processes and regulations were tightened.

During these pre-Independence times, the industry was dominated by white people, while Black people – including the Batonga – had limited access to licences.

Most Batonga in the fisheries sector at the time worked for white people.

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After 1980, when Zimbabwe gained independence, the licensing regulations were eased slightly to allow Black people to enter the sector.

The government also introduced a cooperative system – an initiative where a minimum of 10 people could come together to apply for fishing permits.

This was aimed at compensating and empowering the Batonga who had been affected by the displacements in Kariba in the 1950s.

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However, the cooperative system was later monopolised by politicians and businessmen, resulting in non-Batonga people benefitting more than the locals, said Munsaka.

Barriers and costs

Today, the Batonga number some 300,000 people and are situated between the northern parts of Zimbabwe (including Binga) and the southern parts of Zambia.

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Four decades after independence, Binga, which is one of the most sparsely populated districts in Zimbabwe, has remained under-developed with inaccessible roads, poor connectivity and inadequate infrastructure such as schools and clinics.

Many Batonga homes have no electricity, despite it being generated from Lake Kariba – which lies in the valley that used to be their home – and supplied to cities hundreds of kilometres away.

Farming is not always viable, due to poor soil and insufficient rain, so the Batonga have limited sources of income.

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Some depend on traditional craft-making – basketry, wood-carving, textile and jewellery making; others survive on remittances from the diaspora – relatives who live mainly in Zambia, South Africa and Botswana.

Wealthy residents of Harare often come to Binga to enjoy its sand beach, hot springs, boat cruises and recreational fishing. But for most Batonga people, fishing is not a recreational activity – it is their means of survival. To sustain what has historically been their primary source of income, however, they are now required to pay.

Fishermen in Binga believe these levies should be decreased.

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“Many locals cannot afford the US$1,200 fees required [for the fishing permit],” says Givemore Gwafa, a chairperson of the Binga Fisheries Association, a membership-based local trade union that represents fishermen. “This is a barrier to many current and aspirant fishermen.”

Civic society groups have expressed and called for the government to relax its licensing process to accommodate more Batonga fishermen.

Cooperatives

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Since the 1980s some Batonga from Binga and Kariba have formed cooperatives under the Ministry of Women Affairs, Community, Small and Medium Enterprises to apply for permits from ZimParks.

Tapiwa Mateiswana (40), a Tonga from Shangwe in Kariba, started fishing in 1991, working for rig owners from Harare. But in 2019, he got his own rig and a permit through a cooperative.

“I have been applying as individual several times with no success,” he said, sitting at an old resort-turned-harbour for fishing rigs on the shore of Zambezi in Binga.

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The father of 14 children sits barefoot on a wooden stool, wearing brown shorts and a pink shirt. He holds a spanner in his right hand as he talks, determined to finish servicing the diesel-powered engine of his fishing rig before night falls.

He explains that the cooperative system has paid off for him.

“In 2019, we were advised to join hands and apply for the fishing permits as a cooperative. We were lucky we got the licences,” he said, smiling.

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While fishermen in Binga say they struggle to get even single permits, Munsaka said he knows of some people from the city who have several permits per person.

“These people from the city have money, some are businesspeople. They just apply and get the licences.

They have the money to have as many fishing vessels as possible.

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It is sad that the Batonga people are failing to get even one licence while some rich people from the city can get as many as they want,” he says.

But Clever Mutondori, who relocated to Binga in 2010 from Marondera, about 70km outside Harare, told Al Jazeera that he faced the same struggle as the locals when trying to get a fishing permit.

“I ventured into fishing by buying from local fishermen and resale in Bulawayo and Harare.

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I wanted to raise money to buy my own fishing rig. I bought a second-hand rig in 2011 and started fishing in 2012.

“I then started buying several fishing rigs. By December 2014, I had 12 fishing rigs,” said Mutondori.

“The permits I used were all on lease …

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‘It was tough to get permits because the authorities tried to minimise the number of fishermen. In 2015, I finally got the fishing permits with assistance from a local chief.”

ZimParks’ Farawo said granting licences to everyone who applies would threaten conservation.

“We risk overfishing. There is a need to make decisions based on scientific assessments. Kariba alone has 275 commercial licences for Zimbabweans and 225 for Zambians,” he says.

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“All local headmen have fishing licences and most members of the community belong to cooperatives.

“However, some that have received licences have hired them to other people.”

Making a living from fishing

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Munsaka and Mateiswana have been able to look after their families from incomes generated from the fishing industry.

Mateiswana said he uses the profits to pay the school fees for his children “as well as buying all other essentials for the family”.

“I am glad that with this business I am able to make sure that none of my children goes to bed with an empty stomach,” he said.

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Fishing is Munsaka’s only source of income.

“In a good month, I can get about 16 bags of kapenta with each bag weighing 30kgs,” he said.

But over the years, overfishing has affected his catch.

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“I remember in 2017 when I started renting this fishing rig and permit, I would get about 30 bags with each weighing 30kgs of kapenta in April. But in April 2021, I got about 12 bags of kapenta,” he said.

From the 16 bags he gets today, he says he gives 10 to the fishing vessel owner and keeps the last six for himself to sell.

“There is not much profit. But I have no choice as I want to put food on the table for my family.”

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Munsaka says his kapenta attracts buyers from as far away as Bulawayo and Harare.

“We sell our catch to people in Binga and to those from Harare and Bulawayo at wholesale prices.”

He has even employed three people, a captain and two crew members.

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But with a reduced catch, he sometimes struggles to pay his workers. “Worse is budgeting the $1,200 for the annual fishing permit,” he added.

Binga Fisheries Association’s Gwafa says fishing produce has gone down over the years due to a number of factors from overfishing, poachers and poor conversation between the fishermen.

He says their counterparts in Zambia often drift into Zimbabwean waters, affecting the conservation efforts of the locals.

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“Some fishermen with nets disturb these breeding places. Once the process is disturbed, our production goes down.”

‘I am related to these waters’

Sibanda, the MP for Binga North, describes how, before they were moved in the 1950s and before state regulations for fishing were introduced, the tribe had its own way of practising sustainable fishing and preserving the natural resources.

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“The resettlement changed everything,” he said.

“It is not like that we the Batonga never knew how to conserve fish. We knew. The laws that came into place changed the manner we looked at conservation.”

Sibanda said that for the Batonga people to once again benefit from fishing there is a need for the devolution of some decision-making power from the national to the provincial level.

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This would empower local authorities to spearhead economic and social development projects in their areas by leveraging local resources.

“We need to make sure that the laws are decided at the level they are implemented.

“We allow the people that are surrounded by the resources to be the people who help in deciding the crafting of the law as well as its implementation,” he said.

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“If the Batonga people are to benefit from the fish that God gave them, the board that decides on the fishing laws and the board that give the fishing licences should be controlled by people that are in Binga rather than from Harare.”

For Munsaka, he still hopes that one day the authorities will grant him a licence.

“I am related to these waters,” he said. “I will keep on renting the permit until I get mine, I will never give up.” Aljazeera

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Special reports

Schools improvement grant improving the quality of learning in Hwange

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By Wilson Mareya & John Mokwetsi

Without the School Improvement Grant (SIG), learners at Nyongolo Primary School in Hwange District would not be celebrating the provision of textbooks, teaching material, classroom furniture, and a good learning environment.

Nyongolo Primary School is a registered rural school located about 340 km from Zimbabwe’s second-biggest city, Bulawayo. The school is a few metres from the Hwange-Victoria Falls highway and has 5 classrooms and 272 learners (147 females and 125 males). Hwange District is primarily a mining district. Large coal deposits are found in the district, and several large coal mines are located there. Despite being mineral-rich, the locals survive on menial jobs, with most not affording to buy their children basic education needs. Most learners live within a radius of 10km from the school.

Nyongolo is one of the beneficiaries of the School Improvement Grant (SIG) Regular programme made possible thanks to funding from the Foreign Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO). The grant aims to support financially constrained schools with resources to meet their minimum functionality standards. FCDO supports the Ministry of Primary and Secondary Education initiatives towards improving the quality of education for all children, especially the vulnerable and disadvantaged, with UNICEF managing the funds and providing technical support.The school head, Nokuthula Ndebele, is ecstatic when she speaks of the benefits of SIG: “Textbooks have come as a game changer for our pupils. We used to have acute shortages of textbooks, where the school could only afford one textbook for the whole class. For the Ndebele language, the school did not have any textbooks for grades 6 and 7. With the funds available to purchase more textbooks and teaching materials, the learners gain motivation and interest in learning as each learner has their textbook for most of the subjects.”

She added that for the Ndebele language in 2022, the school posted impressive Grade 7 results, with 24 out of 34 learners having passed.

“We expect this success to be replicated in all other subjects in 2023. The quality of learning is surely improving. Our school had many non-readers when I took over as head in 2021. Now there is a significant improvement. With access to textbooks, the reading culture is improving,” Ndebele revealed the positive impact.

For schools like Nyongolo, where several learners were non-readers, SIG has been a critical pillar in supporting foundational literacy.

Ndebele added: “SIG is the most contributor towards the school’s existence; I don’t know what we would have done without SIG. The school would probably not exist anymore. The levies and fees are too low to support the school. With the last grant, we purchased 16 single desks, 18 chairs and 24 textbooks, and our classrooms are now looking the way a classroom should look.”

Most desks and chairs are stacked at the back of the classroom as schools have closed for the third term holiday.

The school’s School Development Association (SDA) chairperson, Joseph Ndlovu, said of the support: “Before the intervention of UNICEF, our school did not have enough textbooks. Children sat on combined desks and chairs, which made social distancing impossible during Covid. Now a larger proportion of the learners have single desks and chairs. The community is quite happy with the improvements at the school.”

He added that the school and the parents could not afford textbooks and suitable furniture for every learner.

“The school could only afford to buy a single textbook per class for the teacher. We are glad for the support we receive from UNICEF and the Ministry (of Primary and Secondary Education). Now for most subjects, each learner has their own textbook, and the children are happy”, said Joseph.

The support given to schools has positively impacted schooling in many financially constrained schools in Zimbabwe. Dreams of a brighter future are being kept alive in these poor communities.

Ndebele spoke of the challenges.

“The challenge is still on subjects like PE and ICT where we have one textbook for the whole class in some classes. We also do not have enough classrooms for our learners. If the district approves our application for Complementary Funding, we plan to renovate and complete a classroom unit for ECD.”

In early December, the school applied to the District Education for UNICEF-supported complementary funding to support the school’s infrastructure development. The school aims to renovate and complete a big classroom unit for ECD and provide an appropriate and enabling learning environment for the infants.

The school head hopes to get support from the School Improvement Grant component of Complementary Funding from the Global Partnership for Education (GPE) – where schools get funding to renovate, rehabilitate or complete existing school structures such as science laboratories, classrooms or hygiene-friendly toilets for the learners. She is also hoping for continued support so the school can purchase suitable furniture for infants and purchase more textbooks for subjects like (Information and Communication Technology (ICT) and Physical Education (PE).SOURCE:UNICEF

 

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Zimbabwean women are reduced to cheerleaders in the upcoming election, activists say

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BY FARAI MATSAKA

In a large hall at the headquarters of Zimbabwe’s ruling ZANU-PF party, women responded with roaring cheers when President Emmerson Mnangagwa described them as the party’s “backbone” whose votes are vital to victory in elections scheduled for August.

At a recent opposition rally, women with the face of their male party leader emblazoned on dresses and skirts sang, danced and promised to vote for change — never mind that the election again represents a status quo where women are largely limited to cheerleading.

It appears worse this year because the number of women candidates has plummeted, despite women constituting the majority of the population and, traditionally, the biggest number of voters.

“We have some of the best laws and policies on gender equality and women representation, but that’s just on paper. The reality on the ground is that the role of women in politics is restricted to being fervent supporters and dependable voters,” said Marufu Mandevere, a human rights lawyer in the capital, Harare.

The shortage of women candidates puts Zimbabwe at odds with trends on the continent. According to a report released in March by the Inter-Parliamentary Union, the number of women in national parliaments in sub-Saharan Africa increased from 10% in 1995 to about 27% in 2022. The IPU describes itself as a global organization of national parliaments established in 1889.

In Zimbabwe, a patriarchal southern African nation of 15 million people, gender-based biases are still rampant. Men have historically dominated the political, economic, religious and social spheres. The Aug. 23 election suggests that change could be beyond the horizon, despite vigorous local campaigns and global pressure for increased female participation in decision-making.

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Zimbabwe’s controversial new Patriotic Bill just about ‘loving your country”, says minister

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BY CITY PRESS

The heavily criticised Patriotic Bill, which was passed by Zimbabwe’s Parliament recently to clamp down on “subverting government”, is not meant to suppress freedom of expression.

This is according to Monica Mutsvangwa, the country’s minister of information, publicity and broadcasting services, who spoke to City Press in Randburg on Friday.Mutsvangwa said the passing into law of the controversial legislation, legally known as the Criminal Law Codification and Reform Amendment Bill, was meant to deal with citizens conspiring with outsiders to overthrow the government and campaigning for sanctions. The bill, which was passed on June 7, has been heavily criticised by civil society organisations, including Amnesty International.

Flavia Mwangovya, Amnesty’s deputy regional director for East and Southern Africa, said earlier this month that the bill’s passing by the Senate was deeply concerning and signalled a disturbing crackdown on Zimbabweans’ rights to freedom of expression, peaceful assembly and association.Mwangovya said the weaponisation of the law was a desperate and patent move to curtail the rights of freedom of expression and to public participation in elections next month.

But Mutsvangwa was adamant this was not the case, insisting that the intention of the new law was to “promote patriotism”.

‘NOT CONTROVERSIAL’

“I don’t accept that it is controversial. It’s okay for people to talk [about it]. That’s freedom of expression,” Mutsvangwa said.

She said Zimbabwe could not promote the subversion of a constitutional government.

Some of the amendments in the bill include:

Criminalising any citizen caught “wilfully injuring Zimbabwe’s sovereignty, dignity and independence as a nation. ”

Criminalising those who participate in meetings with the intention to promote, advance, encourage, instigate or advocate sanctions or trade boycotts against the country.

The death penalty for those perceived to have colluded to unseat government, including individuals acting as agents or proxies to such entities.

Under the new law, those found guilty of being unpatriotic will face up to 10 years in prison or a fine. They also risk having their citizenship revoked or their permanent resident status, cancelled. They will be banned from voting and occupying public office.

However, Mutsvangwa said the aspects dealing with jail sentences would be left to the judiciary.

“People who talk about it [the bill] as being controversial; I’d like to understand what it is they are saying. Is it good to cooperate with people planning subversion of the constitutionally elected government? Is it good to cooperate with people who are planning a coup? Is that correct? No,” Mutsvangwa said.

She said the citizens were allowed to criticise President Emmerson Mnangagwa.he president. That is why we have 11 candidates who filed papers to be presidential candidates. How would they run if they were not allowed?”

But she said as long they were not promoting armed intervention and subversion of government; they would be allowed to contest the elections.

BROWN ENVELOPES

The citizens, Mutsvangwa said, must be factual in their utterances and not plant misinformation and disinformation because they wanted to get money.

“That won’t help the country,” she said.

She claimed that there had been cases in which citizens would bad-mouth government because they wanted to get “brown envelopes”, implying that people were being paid to criticise the regime.

“That has happened, which is a pity. We should not be thinking like that as Africans. We need to love our countries. There are people who think there’s something wrong with being patriotic.”

Being unpatriotic included negative remarks about the scarf that Mnangagwa always wears, which is branded with Zimbabwe’s flag.

“But I say, this is our flag. Why are we not proud of our own flag? I was a diplomat in the US. I lived in an exclusive area. Every house in the US had a flag flying. There’s nothing wrong with loving your country.”

ELECTION PREPARATIONS

The Zimbabwe Electoral Commission, she said, was functioning well and the preparations for next month’s polls were going smoothly.

Mutsvangwa added that this was evident following submissions made by the 11 presidential candidates during the nominations on Wednesday last week.

“That shows democracy on display. I don’t know how many political parties participated [in that process]. I don’t have the number. But the place was alive with all different kinds of people [making their submissions].”

The minister said opposition parties would be treated equally in these elections, adding that government had opened the airways by introducing other television channels.

“This means there is a wider choice for everyone who wants to go out and send their messages [to the voters]. We also feel it’s important that the people of Zimbabwe choose who they want to lead them from the information [they get].

“So, this is in everybody’s interest to say that whoever put their papers for nomination is that [the right] person so that the people vote from a position of knowledge,” she said.

But Zimbabweans would only be allowed to vote in the areas where they had been registered.

“The Electoral Act talks about polling station-based voting. So, if there are Zimbabweans here [in South Africa] who are registered back in their communities, they are free to go [home] and vote.”The minister said they were prepared to deal with those returning home and wanted to vote in their respective areas where they were registered.

NO MORE NO-GO AREAS

Mutsvangwa said government was implementing recommendations made by the Kgalema Motlanthe commission of inquiry, which investigated the circumstances that led to the 2018 post-election violence.

The recommendations included that political parties be registered to ensure accountability and a review of the laws relating to hate speech, abuse of cyberspace and inciting violence.

Since 2018, government had been working on those recommendations, Mutsvangwa said, adding that the upcoming elections would be open to foreign observers.

“They are free to come. We’ve got nothing to hide.”

She said Zimbabwe had been using the national broadcaster, ZBC, for 42 years for its messaging. But Mnangagwa had said that there must be media reforms.

She said the president had told her that there was a need to diversify to allow Zimbabweans access to a variety of media content. As a result, licences had been granted to six commercial television stations in Zimbabwe.

“These were given through the proper processes. Some of the media houses that were considered opposition or anti-government have been given licences.

“They are operating now. We’ve done a lot of opening [of the airwaves] to show the world that we have nothing to hide,” she said, adding that 14 community radio stations had been granted licences. It’s a big game charger. We’ve managed to bring on board all Zimbabweans who were marginalised, who’ve never felt they were part of Zimbabwe.”

Zimbabwe was removing the polarisation that had hampered their communities, she added.

‘EXPATS COME HOME’

Mutsvangwa said they were rebuilding the country’s economy amid crippling sanctions imposed on Robert Mugabe’s government due in retaliation to the land reform policies.

She said the serious brain drain over the years and skills shortage were affecting the economy.

Mutsvangwa said lessons had been learnt and Mnangagwa was consulting on the interventions to end sanctions.

She said there had been several infrastructural developments and the discovery of oil in the northern part of the country would require engineers, who had left the country to seek employment elsewhere, to return.

Her government respected South Africa’s decision to extend special Zimbabwe exemption permits for their nationals until the end of this year.

 

 

 

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